Priekšsēdētājs. – Pirmais darba kārtības punkts ir debates par Karin Karlsbro ziņojumu Starptautiskās tirdzniecības komitejas vārdā par priekšlikumu Eiropas Parlamenta un Padomes regulai, ar ko izveido Ukrainas aizdevumu sadarbības mehānismu un sniedz ārkārtas makrofinansiālu palīdzību Ukrainai (COM(2024)0426 - C10-0106/2024 - 2024/0234(COD)) (A10-0006/2024).

  Karin Karlsbro, rapporteur. – Mr President, Commission, colleagues, since the first day of Putin's war, it has been clear: one day Russia must pay for the destruction of Ukrainian society and the rebuilding of future Ukraine. But already today, the European Parliament can make it happen – by using the windfall profits from frozen Russian assets, we can send EUR 45 billion to Ukraine and let Russia pay.

The brave Ukrainian people are not only defending their country and territory; what we see is an existential defence of values – for freedom, democracy and for Europe.

The price the Ukrainian people pay for this war cannot be measured in euros or in dollars. Nevertheless, we cannot escape the financial dimension of this war. Ukraine's economy is under huge pressure, and after years of Russian attacks on infrastructure, power plants, cities and villages, schools and hospitals, on houses and homes, we need financial support. The need for financial support is urgent. Our assistance is a question of moral duty and responsibility.

Today's decision here in the European Parliament marks a historic moment. It takes place at a decisive moment for Europe, for Ukraine and for the free world. The EU and the G7 countries, including the US, are now moving forward together with a completely new model of support for Ukraine. This means borrowing funds to a value of EUR 45 billion, in which the EU undertakes to cover up to EUR 35 billion. The repayment of the loan will be financed by the returns from frozen Russian assets in Europe.

This is the first time this strategy is being applied in a structured manner and on such a large scale by lenders across the EU and G7. Not long ago, some said it wouldn't be possible, but today we will show they were wrong. We want to – and we will – make Russia pay and hold them accountable for their aggression and horrendous crimes.

Despite the rapid time frame, we have done our democratic duty in Parliament to scrutinise and vote on this proposal. I want now to take the opportunity to thank my colleagues in the Committee on International Trade, the Committee on Budgets and the Committee on Foreign Affairs for their excellent cooperation in this simplified procedure, in this very urgent situation.

What is happening in Ukraine right now, while we are sitting here, will soon be our common European history. Today, we, the European Parliament, will make Russia pay.

  Janusz Lewandowski, sprawozdawca komisji opiniodawczej – komisji BUDG. – Panie Przewodniczący! Panie komisarzu! Dziś zdajemy kolejny egzamin z europejskiej jedności i solidarności w obliczu agresji wobec Ukrainy. To nie pierwszy i nie ostatni sprawdzian, trudny sprawdzian, bo to jest wyścig z czasem. Amerykański udziałowiec programu miał kłopoty z naszym sześciomiesięcznym cyklem odnawiania sankcji wobec Rosji. Kaskadowa konstrukcja oparta jest na wykorzystaniu odsetek od zamrożonych aktywów rosyjskich.

W mojej ocenie budżetowej, która jest załącznikiem do sprawozdania, zwróciłem uwagę na pewne ryzyka eksploatowania naszego budżetowego headroom przez zobowiązania, których nie przewidziano w ramach finansowych w 2021–2027. Potrzebna była dobra wola wszystkich stron, okazano ją ze strony pani sprawozdawczyni Karin Karlsbro, prezydencji węgierskiej, Komisji, sekretariatu budżetowego. Dlatego zmierzamy do szczęśliwego finału.

  Didier Reynders, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members, I would like to express the Commission's gratitude to the European Parliament for its swift work. In June 2024, leaders committed, together with G7 partners, to provide USD 50 billion or equivalent, EUR 45 billion, all the necessary support by the end of the year to meet Ukraine's military, budget and reconstruction needs. After consultations with G7 partners, the Commission's proposal was submitted one month ago. This file has been taken forward in record speed and I commend you for it. It was very important to go very fast, and thank you for the different efforts that you made to to be sure it was possible to reach the goal today.

The European Union came first with the proposal and with the biggest amount, as Ukraine is a candidate country and belongs to the European Union. We are now at the last stage to get your approval, which will allow for the operationalisation of the proposal by the end of this year, thereby enabling the European Union to proceed with the set-up of the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism and the disbursement of the macro-financial assistance loan to Ukraine.

First of all, let me recall that the European Union and its Member States have been providing strong financing support to Ukraine since the onset of Russia's war of aggression. Our support has reached over EUR 120 billion, including over EUR 25 billion from all previous macro-financial assistance operations. Our support has been a lifeline for Ukraine in order to bolster economic, social, financial and military resilience to withstand Russia's war.

However, additional and urgent financial support is critical for Ukraine. Russia's intensified war on Ukraine and its attacks against Ukrainian energy infrastructure are having a significant impact on Ukraine's economic and public finances. The International Monetary Fund estimates that the financing gap could reach USD 41.5 billion in 2025, meaning USD 15.6 billion higher than previously anticipated. In light of these challenges, G7 leaders committed in Apulia in June 2024 to provide, as said, a total of approximately USD 50 billion of the so-called extraordinary revenue acceleration loans to Ukraine. These loans will be repaid by future flows of extraordinary profits stemming from immobilised Russian sovereign assets, known as windfall profits.

I would like to recall that this commitment was followed by the European Council conclusions from 27 June, which invited the Commission, the High Representative and the Council to take this work forward. Following this, the Commission has adopted a regulation to establish the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism and to provide a macro-financial assistance loan to Ukraine. Allow me to briefly summarise the content of this regulation.

First, the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism is an instrument aimed at collecting the windfall profits stemming from the Russian immobilised assets and make them available to Ukraine for the repayments of the loans of the EU and G7 partners, and potentially other countries wishing to join the extraordinary revenue acceleration loans initiative. This means Russia will pay for the damage of the war in Ukraine. And you know that we had two main goals: the fight against impunity on one side, but also the certainty that Russia will pay for the damage caused by the aggression against Ukraine.

Second, the EU's contribution to the G7 agreed ERA initiative will come through an exceptional macro-financial assistance loan of up to EUR 35 billion. Similarly to our previous operations, this MFA loan will be linked to the fulfilment of political preconditions and specific policy conditions to be established under a memorandum of understanding with Ukraine.

At the same time, this MFA loan introduces some innovative features. Let me mention, in particular, the following ones. First, Russia is made accountable for its actions. The loan is not expected to aid on the one who was attacked, but it is paid back by the aggressor. Second, the Commission's proposal provides an authorisation to lend up to EUR 35 billion, with an automatic correction mechanism, should G7 lenders come in with amounts that would take the total exposure over the agreed cap. Later this week, on 25 October, in Washington, G7 partners will announce their contributions. We continue our close engagement with our partners to ensure their contributions for the ERA loan mechanism.

Recognising the novel nature of the proposal, the Commission will provide a statement confirming the need for both a high degree of transparency towards the European Parliament, as well as the disclosure of documentation that will be provided as we proceed with the implementation. This statement will be included in the verbatim record of this debate.

Let me conclude by expressing thanks to both the chair and the rapporteur for the Committee on International Trade, Mr Bernde Lang and Ms Karin Karlsbro. Their efforts over the past months have ensured a swift and efficient process, bringing this proposal to the point where you can now vote on its timely operationalisation. So when we have an urgency, it's possible to react very fast with the European institutions. Thank you very much for that.

Commission statement (in writing)

The European Commission acknowledges the importance of the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism in the Union’s support to Ukraine and the exceptional nature of the macro-financial assistance loan, confirming the need for a high degree of transparency towards the European Parliament and the Council. The European Commission confirms that any decisions or assessments undertaken by the Commission on the basis of Article 5(3), Article 6(4), Article 6(8), Article 7(1), Article 8(3), Article 8(5), Article 11(2), Article 11(5), Article 13(2) and Article 15(1), and any developments concerning the implementation of Article 10(1), will be treated as ‘developments regarding the implementation of this regulation’ as referred to in Article 17(1) and the corresponding documents will be provided by the European Commission to the European Parliament and the Council without undue delay.

In particular, the European Commission will immediately inform the European Parliament and the Council upon receipt of any information that impacts the amount of the macro-financial assistance. When providing the decisions regarding disbursements of the non-repayable support, the Commission will also inform the European Parliament and the Council of the remaining amount due under the macro-financial assistance loan and how any excess amount for the macro-financial assistance loan as referred to in Article 8(4) has been utilised. The information will be provided on the basis of the most recent available data.

  Sandra Kalniete, PPE grupas vārdā. – Priekšsēdētāja kungs! Komisāra kungs! Godātie kolēģi! Krievija turpina brutālo agresijas karu pret Ukrainu, ar raķetēm un bezpilota lidaparātiem ik dienas graujot valsts enerģijas infrastruktūru un atņemot dzīvību nevainīgiem cilvēkiem. Ukrainai ir vajadzīgs mūsu nelokāmais atbalsts, jo ukraiņu tautai stāv priekšā kara trešā ziema — līdz šim visgrūtākā — jo Krievija ir izpostījusi vairāk nekā pusi valsts enerģijas resursu.

Tāpēc es aicinu visus deputātus balsot par Eiropas Komisijas sagatavoto 35 miljardu eiro lielo makrofinansiālās palīdzības paketi. Šis finansiālais atbalsts ir ļoti svarīgs, lai apmierinātu Ukrainas steidzamās budžeta vajadzības. Eiropas Komisijas priekšlikums paredz izmantot ievērojamo peļņu no iesaldētajiem Krievijas aktīviem, kā arī no dalībvalstu un trešo valstu iemaksām. Šis mehānisms piedāvā Ukrainai finansiālu atbalstu, ko tā var izmantot, lai atmaksātu Eiropas Savienības ārkārtas mikrofinansiālo aizdevumu, kā arī G7 valstu divpusējos aizdevumus.

Balsojot par šo Eiropas Komisijas priekšlikumu, mēs būtiski atbalstīsim Ukrainas atveseļošanos un izpostītās infrastruktūras atjaunošanu. Krievijas iesaldēto aktīvu izmantošana Ukrainas aizdevumu sadarbības mehānismam ir pareizais signāls Putinam. Krievija ir jāsauc pie atbildības un jāpanāk, lai tā tieši maksātu par savu agresiju un noziegumiem pret Ukrainu. Šodienas balsojums par Ukrainas aizdevumu ir izšķirīgi svarīgs, taču Eiropai ir jādara vēl vairāk. Dalībvalstu līderiem ir jākonfiscē Krievijas iesaldētie aktīvi un tie jāizmanto Ukrainas apbruņošanai un atjaunošanai. Putinam ir jārēķinās ar savas rīcības sekām.

  Brando Benifei, a nome del gruppo S&D. – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, il Parlamento europeo è chiamato a rinnovare concretamente la solidarietà all'Ucraina con il nuovo meccanismo di cooperazione per i prestiti, a cui sono orgoglioso di aver lavorato per conto del mio gruppo politico.

Uno strumento urgente e necessario per sostenere un Paese europeo che si trova sotto l'attacco brutale e ingiustificato della Russia di Putin, che sta intensificando il suo sforzo bellico proprio per distruggere infrastrutture strategiche ed energetiche dell'Ucraina, proprio adesso che l'inverno si avvicina per provocare ulteriore sofferenza a un popolo che lotta per la sua libertà.

Uno strumento giusto, perché i 45 miliardi di aiuti che arriveranno a Kiev saranno finanziati dai profitti derivanti dagli asset sovrani russi congelati, perché il costo del sostegno all'Ucraina deve essere pagato da chi è responsabile per tale devastazione, non dai cittadini europei.

Credo che l'Unione debba tenere quindi aperte tutte le opzioni per garantire il sostegno fattivo alla stabilità finanziaria e alla ricostruzione dell'Ucraina, perché il futuro dell'Europa passa da qui.

  Thierry Mariani, au nom du groupe PfE. – Monsieur le Président, de la visite du président Zelensky à Bruxelles et de son plan pour la victoire il ne restera pas grand chose. Ou plutôt si: 35 milliards d’euros. Oui, 35 milliards d’euros que la Commission veut nous imposer comme un remède miracle pour maintenir en vie un État déjà gangrené, bien avant la guerre, par la corruption et incapable de subvenir aux besoins élémentaires de ses concitoyens.

Retraites, salaires des fonctionnaires, hôpitaux: tout vacille en Ukraine. Et ce n’est pas la première fois, car ces 35 milliards viennent s’ajouter à une montagne de dettes contractées auprès de l’Union européenne: 18 milliards en 2022, 33 milliards en 2023. Évidemment, chacun sait que rien ne sera jamais remboursé. D’autant que cette gabegie financière ressemble de plus en plus pour l’Europe à une aventure en solitaire, puisque Washington n’est plus vraiment certain de vouloir contribuer à cet effort financier massif. Et chacun sait que, si les États-Unis se retirent, c’est que la dette n’est plus soutenable. D’ailleurs, la Cour des comptes européenne ne dit pas autre chose dans son dernier rapport sur l’exercice budgétaire 2023, en qualifiant ces prêts successifs de «risques non négligeables» pour les futurs budgets européens.

Mais vous voulez connaître l’étape suivante? Ces prêts reposent en grande partie sur le gel des actifs russes. Lesquels, si une paix est négociée et que les sanctions sont levées, ne pourront plus servir de garantie. Alors, la bombe à retardement budgétaire sera prête à exploser. Soyez lucides: cet endettement sans garantie ni vision à long terme met en péril l’avenir économique de l’Europe.

Pour Shakespeare, «la mort est une dette que chacun ne peut payer qu’une fois». C’est exactement ce que vivent les Ukrainiens. Il est temps que cette guerre s’arrête.

  Rihards Kols, on behalf of the ECR Group. – Mr President, dear colleagues, this is a crucial step. Yes, EUR 35 billion to help stabilise a war-torn economy is no small feat. But the goal of this mechanism is not in the plan itself; it is in the implementation.

The aggressor must not only lose, but also pay. Using immobilised Russian assets as collateral is a bold statement – one that Russia should pay attention to. And now, with this mechanism in place, we must create a framework for seizing frozen Russian assets and impose sanctions – not every 6 months, but until Russia withdraws from Ukraine entirely and pays reparations.

We must not only provide financial help, but also confront the international dynamics that threaten Ukraine's sovereignty. At this time, Ukraine faces two nuclear powers as the warring parties on its soil. Reagan warned us that freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. We must safeguard Ukraine's freedom today, or we shall spend our lives recounting stories about what it was like when the nations were free.

  Marie-Pierre Vedrenne, au nom du groupe Renew. – Monsieur le Président, Monsieur le Commissaire, aujourd’hui nous devons réaffirmer notre engagement envers l’Ukraine, une nation qui lutte pour sa souveraineté et pour les valeurs démocratiques qui nous unissent. La guerre injuste menée par Moscou menace plus que la paix: elle menace la stabilité en Europe et remet en question l’ordre international.

L’aide macrofinancière que nous proposons ne se limite pas à n’être qu’une assistance économique. Elle constitue une réponse résolue à l’agression russe, un signal clair de notre volonté de soutenir l’Ukraine. Financer cette aide avec les avoirs russes gelés constitue une démarche juste, permettant d’utiliser les ressources de ceux, agresseurs, qui ont provoqué ce conflit pour en atténuer les conséquences.

En soutenant cette mesure, nous investissons pour l’avenir de l’Ukraine, une Ukraine libre et prospère, tout en renforçant notre propre sécurité européenne. Ne laissons pas la fatigue de la guerre éroder notre détermination. Le peuple ukrainien compte sur nous, et nous devons être à la hauteur de son courage et de sa détermination.

  Markéta Gregorová, on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. – Mr President, honourable Members, we stand here today not just to discuss a financial transaction, but to reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the people of Ukraine.

This is not a traditional MFA package; it is an extraordinary initiative. It is not just an act of solidarity; it is an urgent necessity. Without this assistance, Ukraine's fiscal stability – and therefore its ability to resist Russia's aggression – will be gravely jeopardised. This funding will help Ukraine balance its fiscal sheets, ensuring the country remains functional in the face of war.

Let me remind you that this MFA, like all others, comes with the usual preconditions: respect for democratic institutions, the rule of law and human rights. However, we recognise that Ukraine is in an extraordinary situation. We do not seek to impose further sectoral conditionalities. Instead, we must acknowledge their ongoing adherence to the IMF programme and the conditionalities of previous MFAs.

I especially appreciate the new mechanism that has been developed to support the repayment of the Ukrainian debt. Extraordinary profits from frozen Russian assets, totalling around EUR 210 billion in the EU, are generating yearly returns of up to EUR 3 billion. This revenue, which is neither sovereign nor belongs to the Central Bank of Russia, can help ensure Ukraine's repayment obligations and that they are manageable.

Our support for Ukraine is not just about financial assistance. It is about standing by a nation fighting for its very existence. By voting in favour of this MFA, we send a clear message: Europe will not allow Ukraine to fall, and we will continue to support their fight for democracy and sovereignty.

  Manon Aubry, au nom du groupe The Left. – Monsieur le Président, lorsque des frontières sont violées, lorsque le droit international est bafoué, il n’y a pas à hésiter. Il faut se tenir du côté de l’agressé et défendre le retour à la paix. C’est le sens de cette aide accordée à l’Ukraine, financée par des avoirs russes gelés, que nous soutenons.

Mais permettez-moi, chers collègues, de faire trois remarques. Tout d’abord, je note que notre volonté commune de venir en aide aux peuples bombardés vaut pour les Ukrainiens, mais pas pour les Gazaouis. Comment expliquez-vous que vous puissiez débloquer des milliards pour l’Ukraine, mais pas pour Gaza? Le droit international ne saurait souffrir cet insupportable «deux poids, deux mesures», et tous les crimes de guerre doivent être condamnés, que le criminel s’appelle Vladimir Poutine ou Benyamin Netanyahou.

Deuxièmement: oui, il est utile d’utiliser les intérêts des avoirs russes et de faire payer les belligérants pour aider l’Ukraine, mais pourquoi imposer à l’Ukraine des contreparties économiques? On ne peut pas demander aux Ukrainiens d’appliquer des réformes austéritaires libérales alors que le pays est brutalisé par la guerre. Cela n’a aucun sens, et c’est d’autant plus hypocrite que vous continuez à subventionner en parallèle les oligarques russes et Poutine en continuant d’acheter leur gaz. À quoi sert alors de prendre d’une main ce que l’on donne de l’autre?

Enfin, il faut aussi mettre sur la table le sujet de la dette ukrainienne. Elle doit être restructurée et partiellement annulée pour permettre au pays de remonter la pente. Pourquoi, alors, le refusez-vous systématiquement à chaque fois que nous le proposons? C’est la priorité aujourd’hui: desserrer l’étau pour permettre ensuite au peuple ukrainien de se reconstruire une fois la paix revenue. Une méthode que nous ferions bien d’appliquer à tous les théâtres de guerre de par le monde.

  Milan Uhrík, za skupinu ESN. – Vážený pán predsedajúci, máme tu zase ďalších 35 miliárd pre Ukrajinu. Zase Európania: plaťte, plaťte a zase plaťte. Pán komisár, hovoríte, že Európska únia podporuje len projekty, ktoré spĺňajú európske demokratické hodnoty. Povedzte mi, prosím Vás, aké hodnoty spĺňa tá súčasná ukrajinská vláda? Veď to je opak demokracie. Najskorumpovanejší režim v Európe - je to tak -, ktorý zrušil voľby, zrušil opozíciu, zakázal nezávislé médiá a práva menšín, a napriek tomu sa tam neustále posielajú ďalšie a ďalšie peniaze. Slovenská vláda, slovenský premiér nedávno oznámil, že Slovensko pripravuje balík finančnej pomoci pre Ukrajinu. Presne v čase, kedy vláda oznámila najväčšie zdražovanie pre Slovákov. A presne v čase, kedy ukrajinský premiér v ten istý deň povedal Slovákom, že od nového roka zastavujú pre Slovensko dodávky ruského plynu. Akože čo je toto? Čo toto má znamenať? A nikto nič. Všetci si tu sedíme a všetci sa tvárime, že všetko je v poriadku, a donekonečna sa tam len posielajú peniaze, ktoré nikto nekontroluje. Toto už skutočne, kolegovia, musí prestať a tá vojna už musí skončiť.

  Jörgen Warborn (PPE). – Herr talman! Jag tror att vi alla kan vara överens om att Rysslands oprovocerade och omotiverade aggression mot Ukraina inte på något sätt avtar, och att en bitter vinter väntar för Ukrainas medborgare.

Samtidigt som levnadsförhållandena inte förväntas bli bättre ökar landets finansieringsgap till över 40 miljarder dollar år 2025. Då måste vi i EU använda alla tänkbara sätt för att stödja Ukraina. Det här föreslagna makroekonomiska stödet kommer att lindra de ekonomiska påfrestningarna och stärka den finansiella stabilitet som landet så väl behöver. Det är en viktig samarbetsinsats med de övriga G7-länderna.

Tiden är av yttersta vikt här. EU måste visa ledarskap och anta det här förslaget omgående, så att en smidig utbetalning av de här lånen kan ske före årets slut. De oroväckande attackerna och det mänskliga lidandet kommer inte att upphöra. Vi måste agera nu. Ukraina kan räkna med Moderaterna och EPP:s orubbliga stöd.

  Bernd Lange (S&D). – Herr Präsident, Herr Kommissar! Erst einmal, Herr Kommissar, herzlichen Dank für die freundlichen Worte, dass wir schnell gehandelt haben im Handelsausschuss und im Parlament insgesamt.

Ich glaube, das zeigt auch noch einmal sehr deutlich, dass wir in der Lage sind, ohne auf Artikel 122 oder auf Dringlichkeitsverfahren zurückzugreifen, schnell und klar zu handeln, wenn es notwendig ist. Und in diesem Fall ist es wirklich notwendig, dass wir den Haushalt der Ukraine stabilisieren, damit die wirtschaftlichen Tätigkeiten und die Verteidigungsmöglichkeiten gesichert bleiben. Wir haben versprochen, insgesamt 45 Milliarden Euro auf den Tisch zu legen. Gerade hat Großbritannien noch einmal erklärt, sie werden mit 2,2 Milliarden dabei sein. Ich hoffe auch, dass die Vereinigten Staaten bei ihren Verpflichtungen bleiben.

Wir brauchen die Unterstützung, weil es nicht sein kann, dass ein souveräner Staat in der Europäischen Union durch eine Aggression Russlands unter Druck kommt und leiden muss. Wir sind hier solidarisch.

  Tomasz Buczek (NI). – Szanowni Państwo! Polska uczyniła już wiele dla Ukrainy. Po wybuchu wojny przyjęliśmy do naszych domów prawdziwych uchodźców wojennych. Daliśmy im takie same świadczenia socjalne, jakie otrzymywali nasi rodacy. Dostali dostęp do polskiej opieki medycznej na takich samych prawach jak obywatele Unii Europejskiej. Z zasobów naszej armii przekazaliśmy między innymi czołgi i samoloty bojowe warte miliardy euro. Nie oczekiwaliśmy w zamian nic prócz zwykłej uczciwości wobec prawdy historycznej. Nie dostaliśmy nawet tego.

Na skutek błędnej polityki Unii Europejskiej otrzymaliśmy w zamian destabilizację polskiego rynku rolnego, nieuczciwą konkurencję wobec polskich transportowców i – to, co najbardziej boli – dalszą blokadę ekshumacji i godnego pochówku dla moich rodaków zamordowanych przez ukraińskich szowinistów na Wołyniu.

Ukraina traktowana jest dzisiaj przez Unię Europejską na równi z państwami członkowskimi zawsze wtedy, gdy chodzi o udzielenie jej pomocy. Natomiast normy i wymogi dotyczące produkcji rolnej czy ratowania klimatu Ukrainy już nie obowiązują. Chętniej byśmy pomagali Ukrainie i byłoby nam łatwiej to czynić, gdyby nasze rolnictwo i nasz przemysł miały takie same warunki funkcjonowania jak firmy i gospodarstwa rolne na Ukrainie, które nie muszą ponosić kosztów chorej polityki klimatycznej Unii Europejskiej. Oczekujemy takich samych zasad dla Polski, jakie posiadają na rynku unijnym...

(Przewodniczący odebrał mówcy głos)

  Michał Dworczyk (ECR). – Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni państwo! Od 2014 roku, czyli od zajęcia przez Rosję Krymu i części Donbasu, Ukraina mierzy się z rosyjską agresją. Przez większość tego okresu państwa zachodnie – przede wszystkim Niemcy, ale nie tylko – ponad głową Ukrainy i państw regionu prowadziły lukratywne interesy z Rosją, zasilając miliardami euro rosyjski budżet. Niedługo minie tysiąc dni od pełnoskalowej agresji. Co prawda gaz Gazociągiem Północnym już nie płynie, ale kolejne sankcje są nakładane na Federację Rosyjską. Ale wciąż mamy do czynienia z grą pozorów. Jesteśmy zbyt mało zdecydowani i to nie pozwala Ukrainie wygrać.

Oczywiście popieram mechanizm pożyczkowy z zamrożonych rosyjskich aktywów, natomiast budzi sprzeciw propozycja udzielenia przez Unię Europejską Ukrainie pożyczki z regresem. Uważam także, iż stabilność mechanizmowi zapewniłoby automatyczne przedłużenie sankcji, dopóki Rosja nie zaprzestanie łamania prawa międzynarodowego.

Ukraina potrzebuje naszego wsparcia bardziej niż kiedykolwiek. Nowe formaty normandzkie, gdzie przy stole nie ma miejsca dla przedstawicieli regionu, o którego przyszłość toczy się ta gra, z pewnością nie są krokiem we właściwym kierunku.

  Lucia Yar (Renew). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, to, čo Putin Ukrajincom zničil, máme teraz možnosť obnoviť z ruských peňazí a tak je to správne. Kremeľ už takmer 1000 dní bombarduje ukrajinských civilistov, nemocnice a školy. Je načase, aby za to zaplatil, a to doslova - prostredníctvom výnosov zo zmrazených ruských aktív. Hoci my v Európskej únii Ukrajine pomáhame, stále nie sme dôslední. Ruským oligarchom sme dovolili užívať si jachty, dali sme im diplomy z elitných škôl, predávali im luxusné nehnuteľnosti, kabelky, ale čo je horšie, prižmurujeme oči, keď európske firmy obchádzajú sankcie alebo keď nakupujú plyn z tretích krajín, ktoré ho majú za lacný peniaz z Kremľa. A aj preto vojna na Ukrajine pokračuje ďalej. My ani zďaleka nemáme právo byť z vojny na Ukrajine unavení. Pozrite sa na Ukrajincov. Oni vedú spravodlivý boj a bojujú aj za nás. Naša zásadovosť im pomôže vyhrať.

  Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE). – Mr President, I am very happy and proud we are now approving the EUR 35 billion for Ukraine via the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism. Russia needs to pay. Russia needs to pay for the reconstruction. Russia needs to pay for bombing children and hospitals and electricity plants. And I'm happy we're making the invader pay because – although it's still hard for some to understand – Russia is the invader.

But colleagues, it's also part of the truth that Orbán is again stopping a more long‑term solution within the Ukraine Facility that we just approved a couple of months ago, and that he's stopping EUR 10 billion from the US, by not allowing the extension of the freezing of Russian assets. So for all those from the far left and the far right who were clapping here two weeks ago for Orbán, who was sitting here, we have to be aware that you're on the side of North Korea now that is trying to help Russia invade. You're on the side of Putin. You're on the side of the guy who is using Russian interests within the European Council. And we need to wake up. We need to make Russia pay and Ukraine win.

(The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

  András László (PfE), blue-card question. – Why are you saying all these lies? Why are you pretending that a country of 10 million is somehow blocking or making a major difference in this issue? The situation is: European countries, including Hungary, gave what they could to Ukraine at the beginning of the war. Afterwards, the EU gave money to Ukraine. Then it was joint debt. Now it's joint debt based on Russian assets.

Do you think, really, a country of 10 million will be blocking or determining the fate of Ukraine? That's ludicrous. And what do you think about your Chancellor – you're in government in Germany in coalition – who's also saying that you should be talking with Putin and discussing peace negotiations? Why don't you comment on that?

  Damian Boeselager (Verts/ALE), blue-card answer. – Thanks a lot for asking, because I was here and I negotiated the Ukraine Facility and the EUR 50 billion we had there, and I did see Orbán trying to block that and only being bought by EUR 10 billion that we had to unblock here in the European Union. That was already blackmail, and he has been doing this a long time. Now again, yes, he is blocking. You can ask him. He's currently blocking the extension of the freezing of Russian assets, which makes it impossible for the US Senate, or at least the President, to unlock 10 billion. So I'm not making this up; this is not lies. You have a problem with Orbán in Hungary and we need to solve it. I think we need to take the veto away.

  President. – Thank you very much, colleagues, we can have different views, and let's keep this democratic principle in this House, as long as it's not breaking the rules.

  Hans Neuhoff (ESN). – Herr Präsident, Kolleginnen und Kollegen! Der Ukrainekrieg ist weithin unverstanden, auch und gerade in diesem Haus. Der große US-Stratege polnischer Herkunft, Zbigniew Brzeziński, hat in seinem 1997 erschienenen Meisterwerk „The Grand Chessboard“ das verkümmerte geopolitische Bewusstsein der Europäer mit gnadenloser Schärfe beschrieben: Tributpflichtige Vasallen, so Brzeziński, übernehmen sie willfährig das Denken ihres Herrn. Und so wollten die Europäer nicht begreifen, dass der Ukrainekrieg hätte verhindert werden können, wenn sie, die Europäer, von Anfang an klargestellt hätten, dass eine Aufnahme der Ukraine in die NATO für sie nicht infrage kommt.

Wir treffen eine falsche Entscheidung nach der anderen, zum Schaden aller, die den eurasischen Kontinent bewohnen. Wenn das Parlament heute die Einrichtung des Kooperationsmechanismus bei Ukraine-Darlehen beschließt, dann treibt es nicht nur die Ukraine noch tiefer in einen Konflikt hinein, den diese nur verlieren kann. Wir schaden uns vielmehr auch selbst, indem wir gegen den römischen Rechtsgrundsatz des usus fructus verstoßen und als einziger großer Wirtschaftsraum der Welt verkünden, dass die Früchte aus Einlagen ohne Zustimmung des Eigentümers einer anderweitigen Verwendung zugeführt werden können. Wenn man ausländische Investoren, namentlich auch aus den BRICS+-Staaten, abschrecken will, in der EU ihr Geld anzulegen, dann tut man es genau so.

Ja, der Ukraine muss geholfen werden. Was die Ukraine braucht, ist ein Waffenstillstand als Grundlage von Friedensverhandlungen. Was Europa braucht, ist eine gesamteuropäische neue Friedensordnung. Was Europa braucht, ist ein neuer ...

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

  Fabio De Masi (NI). – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrte Damen und Herren, ich fasse die bisherige Debatte zusammen. Erstens: Kredite für den Schuldendienst der Ukraine bei den G7-Staaten und die Fortsetzung eines endlosen Krieges und somit die Zerstörung der Infrastruktur sind gut. Zweitens: Kredite für zivile Investitionen und den Aufbau der Infrastruktur in Europa sind schlecht. Diese Verrücktheit wird Europa wirtschaftlich weiter abhängen.

Während die EU Kredite für den endlosen Stellvertreterkrieg aufnehmen will, soll Frankreich etwa seinen Haushalt um 110 Milliarden Euro kürzen. Mario Draghi empfahl jedoch, die Investitionen in der EU um 800 Milliarden Euro zu erhöhen. Währenddessen ist die Ukraine von Korruption zerfressen. Es wird darauf bestanden, dass sie weitere staatliche Betriebe privatisiert und langfristig zu einer wirtschaftlichen Kolonie wird.

Die EU hat keine Strategie, um den völkerrechtswidrigen Krieg in der Ukraine zu beenden. Das Parlament fordert weitreichende Waffen – gegen die Linie des US-Präsidenten und des deutschen Bundeskanzlers. Radikale Phrasen über einen vollständigen Sieg über die Atommacht Russland sind weltfremd. Die EU spielt bei der brasilianisch-chinesischen Friedensinitiative, die von der Schweiz unterstützt wird, keine Rolle. Den Preis zahlen die Ukrainer: Das Land ist zerstört, über eine Million Menschen sind tot, zurück bleiben Alte und Verletzte.

Die Ukraine muss aufgebaut werden, aber dafür braucht es eine realistische Strategie mit Sicherheitsgarantien und einer neutralen Ukraine. Wenn Donald Trump die US-Wahlen gewinnt, wird er uns ein kaputtes Land vor die Füße kehren.

  Siegfried Mureşan (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, we need to say the truth. There is only one responsible for the suffering, for the damage caused to Ukraine and to the people of Ukraine, and that is the aggressor, that is the Russian Federation, and the job of the European Parliament is to be united against this.

Today we have the opportunity to prove our commitment to the people of Ukraine. Establishing this loan cooperation mechanism is a win for Ukraine, and it is also a win for Europe. It means that we put to good use Russia's frozen assets. They have to contribute to the reconstruction of Ukraine. The aggressor needs to pay for the damage that he has created.

We, the European Union, have proven that we are a strong supporter of Ukraine. We stand firm financially, militarily, because we understand that helping Ukraine is the right thing to do, but it also means that we are helping and contributing to the security of the European Union.

My call to you today is: let's make sure that Ukraine has all it needs to defend itself and to win this war. I am not afraid of Putin losing this war; I'm more afraid of Putin eventually winning this war.

By supporting Ukraine, we are investing in our own security. What Russia is doing today in Ukraine is an attack upon the whole free world. We cannot let Russia win. We must continue supporting Ukraine and defending our democracy.

  Christel Schaldemose (S&D). – Hr. formand! I snart tre år har ukrainerne kæmpet for deres land og for deres frihed. Men de har også kæmpet for europæiske værdier, for vores fred og vores frihed. Ukraine udgør lige nu et fysisk bolværk imod Putins aggression. Det mindste, vi kan gøre, det er da at støtte og styrke ukrainernes kamp, militært, civilt, økonomisk. Derfor er det en vigtig beslutning, vi skal stemme om i morgen. Det er dyrt at føre krig. Nu giver vi i fællesskab Ukraine en ekstra økonomisk håndsrækning, den er vigtigt. Denne lånemekanisme kan hjælpe dem til at føre krigen videre. Den er så vigtig. Og finansieringen, den kommer af renteindtægterne fra indefrosne russiske midler. På den måde er russerne selv med til at finansiere Ukraines krigsøkonomi. Det, synes jeg, er ret smart. Jeg håber, I vil støtte lånet i morgen, når vi skal stemme om det. Det er utrolig vigtigt for Ukraine. Det er utroligt vigtigt også for vores frihed. Og så er det utrolig solidarisk.

  Petra Steger (PfE). – Herr Präsident, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren! Ich sage es klar und deutlich: Es muss endlich Schluss sein! Mit diesem Satz spreche ich nicht nur für die europäischen Bürger, sondern auch für die zigtausenden Ukrainer, die seit Beginn dieses abscheulichen Krieges ihr Leben verloren haben.

Es muss endlich Schluss sein mit dieser Eskalationsstrategie, mit immer mehr Waffen, Sanktionen und Milliardenzahlungen. Wenn Sie so weitermachen, steuern Sie Europa geradeaus in den Krieg. Ich frage mich ja immer: Was ist aus dem angeblichen Friedensprojekt der Europäischen Union geworden? Was ist mit den Interessen der europäischen Bürger? Was ist mit der Solidarität gegenüber der eigenen Bevölkerung?

Bei uns fehlt es mittlerweile an allen Ecken und Enden. Mehr als zwei Jahre unterstützen Sie jetzt schon bedingungslos die Ukraine. Keine einzige Friedensinitiative! Die Friedensaktivisten von gestern sind die Kriegsaktivisten von heute geworden. Dieses 35-Milliarden-Paket ist der nächste Schritt eines sich ständig steigernden Eskalationsprozesses. Ich frage Sie: Wohin soll das noch führen?

Zu glauben, dass ein Krieg rasch zu Ende geht, wenn man immer mehr Waffen produziert und Geld liefert, ist hanebüchen und verantwortungslos. Wenn die EU ihre Strategie nicht endlich ändert, wird es nur Verlierer geben. Es wird keine Lösung auf dem Schlachtfeld geben. Das, was es jetzt braucht, ist Mut. Mut für Diplomatie, Mut für Gespräche und Mut für Frieden anstatt immer weitere Milliardenpakete.

  Johan Van Overtveldt (ECR). – Voorzitter, commissaris, collega’s, de Russische invasie bedreigt niet alleen de soevereiniteit van Oekraïne, maar ook de fundamenten van onze Europese waarden. Laten we er geen doekjes om winden: denk aan de recente onthullingen over de samenwerking tussen Rusland en Noord-Korea. Noord-Koreaanse troepen zouden de facto de intrede van China in dit conflict betekenen.

Onze voortdurende steun is absoluut noodzakelijk. We moeten Oekraïne niet alleen voorzien van humanitaire en financiële hulp, maar ook de Oekraïense defensie-industrie ondersteunen, zoals Denemarken recentelijk actief deed. Door deze sector te versterken, kunnen we Oekraïne helpen zichzelf te verdedigen en onze gezamenlijke veiligheid te waarborgen.

Investeren in de Oekraïense defensie-industrie zou meer betekenen dan alleen maar wapens en materieel. Het zou uiteraard de economie stimuleren, de tewerkstelling bevorderen en ook aanleiding geven tot innovaties die ook voor de Europese markt interessant zouden zijn. Bovendien vermindert het de afhankelijkheid van externe leveranciers. Door Oekraïne te ondersteunen, verdedigen we niet alleen hun vrijheid, maar ook de onze.

  Dan Barna (Renew). – Domnule președinte, mecanismul de împrumut pentru Ucraina, pe care îl vom vota în această plenară este un pas extrem de important pe care Europa îl face atât în susținerea Kievului, dar și în procesul de a trage la răspundere un regim dictatorial.

De la începutul invaziei ilegale a lui Vladimir Putin în Ucraina, am auzit des vorbele: „Rusia trebuie să plătească!” Acest mecanism este cu adevărat o notă de plată dată Kremlinului. Am auzit vocile extremei drepte în acest parlament, spunând despre reconstrucția Ucrainei, dar nu spun cine a distrus Ucraina, cine este responsabil de distrugerea acestei Ucraine.

Vladimir Putin a utilizat profiturile generate de activele rusești imobilizate pentru a susține financiar Ucraina. Este un gest de responsabilitate și moralitate atât din partea Europei, cât și din partea comunității G7. Vreau să spun însă ferm că acesta trebuie să fie doar un prim pas. Uniunea Europeană contribuie acum cu 35 de miliarde de euro prin acest mecanism, dar valoarea totală a activelor rusești imobilizate în Europa este de peste 210 miliarde. Dintre acestea, 190 de miliarde sunt imobilizate doar în Belgia. Cer răspicat Comisiei Europene și Consiliului European să formuleze și să aprobe instrumente legale pentru ca toate aceste fonduri să fie folosite la reconstrucția Ucrainei. Când un barbar ne atacă cu ghioaga, nu ne putem apăra cu uneltele unui stomatolog. Rusia trebuie să plătească (...)

(Președintele a retras cuvântul vorbitorului)

  Рада Лайкова (ESN). – Уважаеми граждани на Европейския съюз, през цялата година Европейският съюз се опитваше отчаяно да използва замразените руски средства или техните лихви, за да създаде някакъв вид фонд за Украйна. Това обаче постоянно се проваляше, тъй като схемите изглеждаха крайно съмнителни и дори наподобяваха кражба на руски средства.

Сега Европейският съюз иска да вземе заем, а откраднатите лихви да се използват за погасяване на заеми в бъдеще. Но първо, тези средства никога няма да помогнат на украинските граждани. Те служат само за покриване на дупки в украинския бюджет като кредитна карта, използвана за погасяване на други кредитни карти.

Второ, тази кражба на руски средства може да доведе до ответни действия от страна на Русия, като например конфискация на активи на европейски компании в Русия. И трето, може би най-лошото, това изпраща ужасяващ сигнал. За първи път Европейският съюз не само присвоява средства на свои граждани, но и чужди средства. Правно това е изключително рисковано и ще отблъсне чуждестранни инвестиции в Европейския съюз, защото вие бихте ли инвестирали при един крадец?

(Ораторът приема да отговори на няколко въпроса „синя карта“)

  Davor Ivo Stier (PPE), blue-card question. – The Council of Europe and the Parliamentary Assembly have established that these are legitimate countermeasures because the Russian Federation has breached international law. Something similar has been done in the case of Kuwait; also, it has been a breach of international law. So what was the problem to respect the international law? I think that is the key question. Why is it so difficult also to respect the will of the Ukrainian people? You say you are sovereigntist. So why not respect the will of the Ukrainian people to be part of the West?

  Рада Лайкова (ESN), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Както вече казах, тези руски средства изключително трудно могат да бъдат оправдани по един правен начин и Европейският съюз цяла година се опитваше да намери механизъм, чрез който да оправдае това присвояване на чужди средства. Също така е важно да си припомним докладите и доклада на Драги, който говори за рязко намаляване на чуждестранни инвестиции. И следващият път, когато прочетете за едно такова рязко намаляване, си спомнете дали някой би инвестирал в Съюз, който се държи като крадец.

  Rihards Kols (ECR), blue-card question. – Just a very simple question. So you said that the budget financing is something that is governments' and not people's. How is your country when your government approves the budget? Is the budget that you see only for governments and not for the citizens? Or did I get it wrong, what you said about Ukraine – that the money's not going to the Ukrainian citizens?

  Рада Лайкова (ESN), отговор на въпрос, зададен чрез вдигане на синя карта. – Това, което казах по отношение на ползата за украинските граждани е изключително просто. Всички знаем, че тези средства на първо време ще отидат за погасяване на кредити по други кредити, след това ще отидат за запълване на дупки в украинския бюджет. Всички знаем, че в този проект Украйна в момента отчаяно трябва да се инвестират европейски средства, защото други държави като САЩ вече не желаят да инвестират там. Тези средства ще отидат не за украинските граждани, а за погасяване на дупки в бюджета.

  Ľuboš Blaha (NI). – Vážený pán predsedajúci, zmrazenie ruského majetku je krádež, doslova lúpež. Môžete si tu hľadať tisíce výhovoriek, ale ak niekomu ukradnete majetok, a vy ste Rusom ukradli ich majetok, tak to robíte to, čo robia zlodeji. A ja to absolútne odmietam. Navyše, pýtam sa, či ste mali potrebu kradnúť cudzie majetky, keď Spojené štáty americké viedli nevyprovokovanú agresívnu vojnu proti Iraku? Kradli ste majetky Američanov, keď NATO bombardovalo Belehrad a keď protiprávne odtrhlo Kosovo od Srbska? A pýtam sa, aj dnes budete kradnúť majetky Izraelčanov za to, že páchajú genocídu na palestínskom národe? Prosím, spamätajte sa a prestaňte liať miliardy a zbrane do Ukrajiny. Miliardy potrebujú chudobní Európania, tak prestaňte dookola riešiť len Ukrajincov. Je to nefér voči našim vlastným občanom. Tie vaše sankcie proti Rusku nefungujú. Bol som pred pár dňami v Moskve a videl som na vlastné oči, ako Rusko prekvitá. Jediné, čo môže priniesť mier, je dialóg s Ruskom. Nie krádeže, nie zbrane, nie ďalší mŕtvi Ukrajinci, ale dialóg a rešpekt. A ja budem do Ruska chodiť aj naďalej, lebo na rozdiel od vás neverím vo vojnu, ale verím rovnako ako Slováci v mier.

(Rečník súhlasil, že odpovie na viaceré otázky položené zdvihnutím modrej karty)

  Maria Grapini (S&D), întrebare adresată conform procedurii „cartonașului albastru”. – Domnule, ați spus că confiscarea activelor Rusiei este un furt. Dacă casa dumneavoastră ar fi dărâmată de un oarecare, ați vrea să vă recuperați activul? Ați vrea să fie blocate veniturile celui care v-a ... (Președintele a întrerupt vorbitoarea) Ați spus că activele Rusiei au fost furate de Uniunea Europeană. Vă întreb, dacă casa dumneavoastră ar fi dărâmată de un oarecare, așa, peste noapte, ați dori să vă recuperați casa? Ați dori să fie blocate veniturile individului sau, mă rog, celui care v-a dărâmat casa?

  Ľuboš Blaha (NI), odpoveď na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty. – Vážený pán predsedajúci, ďakujem pekne za otázku, ale nepočul som preklad presne, ale trvám na tom, že áno, ide o krádež, pokiaľ kradneme ruské majetky, a som presvedčený, že jediný spôsob, ako zabezpečiť, aby Ukrajinci neumierali, je prestať s expanziou NATO prestať s rusofóbiou, prestať s nenávisťou proti ruskému národu. A presne toto chceme my, Slováci, dialóg s ruskou stranou, a áno, k tomu patrí aj vďaka za to, že nás oslobodili od fašizmu v druhej svetovej vojne, a patrí k tomu, áno, aj ospravedlnenie za to, že tu prijímame rasistické, militaristické a nenávistné deklarácie.

  Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis (S&D), pakėlus mėlynąją kortelę pateiktas klausimas. – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, aš paklausiu Jūsų lietuviškai. Jūs sakėte, kad buvote Maskvoje ir matėte žydinčią Rusiją. Tai klausimas, ar buvote Putino viloje ir ten matėte tą žydinčią Rusiją? Ar iš tiesų Jūs suvokiate, kur Jūs buvote?

  Ľuboš Blaha (NI), odpoveď na otázku položenú zdvihnutím modrej karty. – Vážený pán predsedajúci, vážený pán poslanec, bol som na 80. výročí Univerzity MGIMO, svetoslávnej diplomatickej škole, a prednášal som veľmi múdrym a šikovným ruským, slovenským a ďalším študentom z celého sveta. Chodil som po Moskve, bol som dokonca v obchodoch a neuveríte, majú tam práčky. Tvrdili tu západní propagandisti, vraj ich kradnú na ukrajinskom fronte. Nie, oni tam majú aj práčky, aj chladničky, aj autá. Majú tam všetko. Troj a pol percentný rast očakáva ruská strana. Tento rok nemecká ekonomika klesne o 0,2 percenta. Tak sa pýtam, v koho záujme sú tieto sankcie - v záujme Ruska alebo v záujme Európy? Pán kolega, ste veľmi, ale veľmi pomýlený.

  Juan Ignacio Zoido Álvarez (PPE). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, desde la invasión de Putin, Ucrania ha perdido el 30 % del PIB. El coste de la reconstrucción del país se aproxima ya a los 500 000 millones de dólares, una cifra que, lamentablemente, aumenta cada día.

Para hacer frente al drama humanitario y evitar el colapso de Ucrania, mañana votaremos un paquete de asistencia financiera a Kiev de hasta 35 000 millones de euros: una factura de miles de millones de euros con cargo no a los ciudadanos europeos, sino a Vladimir Putin, al responsable de la invasión y de la devastación de Ucrania.

Y es que hemos logrado canalizar, en favor de Ucrania, los activos rusos congelados, valorados en más de 200 000 millones de euros. Y así lo hemos acordado con los Estados Unidos y el resto de socios del G7.

El camino hacia la victoria de Ucrania y su reconstrucción requerirán de un esfuerzo titánico por parte de todos; también por nuestra parte, la de los europeos. Pero, no lo olvidemos, el principal financiador de la reconstrucción debe seguir siendo Vladimir Putin: el responsable.

  Heléne Fritzon (S&D). – Herr talman! Kriget i Ukraina pågår här och nu. När vi möts här i dag faller bomber och raketer över oskyldiga – över kvinnor och barn i deras egna hem. Det ukrainska folket lider men kämpar för sin frihet och vi, vi måste fortsätta göra allt för att öka stödet till Ukraina: ekonomiskt, militärt och humanitärt.

Vi måste också få stopp på den ryska gasen. Den är fossil, och den göder Putins krigskassa. Jag vill också att vi använder de frysta ryska tillgångarna till mer hjälp åt Ukraina, och jag hoppas innerligt att vi står eniga i vårt stöd här i morgon.

Det ukrainska folkets kamp är också en kamp för vår fred och frihet. Vi ska stå i solidaritet med det ukrainska folket. Slava Ukraini.

(Talaren godtog en fråga ("blått kort").)

  Dick Erixon (ECR), fråga ("blått kort"). – Jag välkomnar socialdemokratins stöd till att skicka vapen till Ukraina. Men det är oroande att er samarbetspartner Miljöpartiet nu, enligt Sveriges Radio, kritiserar Polen när det stoppar Rysslands hybridkrigföring med migranter över gränsen från Belarus. Är det inte allvarligt att Miljöpartiet springer Putins ärenden?

  Heléne Fritzon (S&D), svar ("blått kort"). – Herr talman! Mitt svar till Dick Erixon, som representerar Sverigedemokraterna från Sverige och de högerextrema partigrupperingarna här i parlamentet, är att jag är mer orolig för era partiers kontakter med Ryssland och närhet till Putin, och jag vill noga följa upp att vi står eniga i morgon kring ett fortsatt stöd till Ukraina, både ekonomiskt, militärt och humanitärt.

  Lukas Sieper (NI). – Mr Parliament, Rule 178, paragraphs one and three, sentence two, states that you may only speak when given speaking time. And also, when you are at your place in this debate here today, which is a troublesome debate. And I also feel that some things that are being said here are despicable. We have Members screaming stuff from their seats into the plenary multiple times. So I request that we stop this, because this is not the way that we should debate here. We should be civilised. We should listen to each other. Of course, we can applaud and we can boo, because this is what people do. But if we don't have speaking time, we should keep ours mouth shut.

  President. – Thank you very much. I am trying to keep Parliament's Hemicycle in order. As I see it, there could be some emotions, but so far, in my opinion, it's okay. But I fully take your point into account, and if colleagues would follow your suggestions, I would appreciate it.

  Angéline Furet (PfE). – Monsieur le Président, l’Union européenne et ses États membres ont apporté ensemble une assistance civile et militaire à l’Ukraine qui se porte à 118 milliards d’euros depuis le début de la guerre et à 43 milliards rien que pour cette année.

Toutefois, les besoins de financement de l’Ukraine dépassent les projections du Fonds monétaire international, qui prévoyait une fin de conflit pour 2024. L’Union européenne propose donc, pour la fin de 2024, une nouvelle aide financière sous forme de prêt, d’un montant de 35 milliards d’euros, et à laquelle il faudra ajouter à nouveau environ 40 milliards d’euros en 2025: un véritable tonneau des Danaïdes, des prêts que nous savons difficilement remboursables – si tant est qu’ils le soient.

Si, sur le principe, nous sommes favorables à une aide civile à l’Ukraine, les différents textes et communications de l’Union européenne n’abordent jamais la fin du conflit ou l’avènement d’une solution diplomatique. Comment se fait-il que des pourparlers de paix ne soient pas une condition de cette aide financière? Le soutien à la paix et non à la guerre ne serait-il pas la solution la plus économique et la plus humaine?

De plus, à l’heure où la France a été mise en procédure pour déficit excessif par l’Union européenne, où l’inflation touche les peuples européens et où l’Union européenne se demande comment boucler le prochain budget, charité bien ordonnée ne commence-t-elle pas par soi-même?

  Alberico Gambino (ECR). – Signor Presidente, onorevoli colleghi, signor Commissario, la proposta di un meccanismo di cooperazione per il prestito all'Ucraina e l'assistenza macrofinanziaria eccezionale di 35 miliardi di euro non è solo una questione economica ma un atto di responsabilità verso la stabilità dell'Europa.

L'aggressione russa ha devastato l'Ucraina con impatti diretti sull'economia e sulle infrastrutture del Paese. Senza un intervento deciso, le conseguenze si rifletteranno su tutta l'Europa, minacciando la nostra sicurezza collettiva.

Il prestito è strutturato con condizioni ovviamente vantaggiose e finanziato anche attraverso gli asset congelati alla Banca centrale russa, un messaggio, questo, chiaro e forte per chi viola appunto il diritto internazionale: dovrà pagare a proprie spese la ricostruzione. Inoltre, il pacchetto complessivo di 50 miliardi di euro fino al 2027 include sovvenzioni che garantiscono servizi essenziali per l'Ucraina stessa.

Non è carità questa ma è un investimento nella sicurezza europea, è una dichiarazione di sostegno a valori di libertà e democrazia. Ora più che mai dobbiamo agire con determinazione.

  Ivars Ijabs (Renew). – Dārgais priekšsēdētāja kungs! Dārgais Reindersa kungs! Es vispirms gribētu pateikt paldies mūsu ziņotājai Karīnai par to, ka mēs beidzot to esam izdarījuši, proti, pieņēmuši šo makrofinansiālo palīdzību Ukrainai, izmantojot Krievijas iesaldētos aktīvus kā garantiju. Šis ir ne tikai finansiāli ļoti racionāls projekts, bet arī morāli, protams, nepieciešams. Krievijai jau šodien ir jāmaksā par Ukrainai nodarīto postu tāpēc, ka mums ir jāpalīdz tai stiprināt savu ekonomisko dzīvotspēju un jāpalīdz tai arī militāri aizsargāt sevi.

Bet tie 35 miljardi — šī summa, protams, ir liela, bet nav īsti samērojama ar Ukrainas šībrīža vajadzībām. Tieši tāpēc es pievērsīšu jūsu uzmanību, ka Kremlim pietuvinātajiem oligarhiem, kuri ir profitējuši un joprojām profitē no šī noziedzīgā režīma, joprojām pieder ļoti lieli līdzekļi, daudz lielāki aktīvi Eiropā. Komisijai šeit vajadzētu mudināt dalībvalstis izturēties pret to ļoti, ļoti nopietni un domāt, ko darīt ar šiem aktīviem, arī tad, ja dalībvalstis reizēm ir pievērušas acis uz šādu te aktīvu klātbūtni.

  Bogdan Andrzej Zdrojewski (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Ukraina potrzebuje zainteresowania, zrozumienia i wsparcia, i to w takiej kolejności. Nie będzie, krótko mówiąc, zrozumienia bez zainteresowania i nie będzie wsparcia bez zainteresowania i zrozumienia.

Kolejny element, który jest niezbędny, to pewna stabilność pomocy. Nie powinniśmy się kierować w tej materii wyłącznie emocjami, ale powinniśmy także zwracać uwagę na to, jaka jest prawdziwa sytuacja w Ukrainie, jaki przebieg ma ta wojna. Dopiero wówczas możemy pochylać się nad określonymi formami pomocy. One mogą być różne.

Tym razem mamy inicjatywę państw G7, aby skorzystać z zamrożonych środków rosyjskich, aby wesprzeć Ukrainę. Tę pomoc nazywa się pożyczką, ale generalnie rzecz biorąc będzie ona rodzajem bezzwrotnego wsparcia. Bardzo istotne jest, aby udzielanie tego wsparcia przebiegało we właściwym czasie, we właściwym tempie, bo wtedy będziemy efektywni, będziemy prawdziwi, będziemy autentyczni i będziemy po prostu skuteczni. I tego życzę, krótko mówiąc, Ukrainie i Ukraińcom.

  Raphaël Glucksmann (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, enfin! Enfin ce mécanisme commence à faire payer l’agresseur. Mais, disons-le, c’est, comme d’habitude, trop peu et très tard.

Depuis deux ans, nous faisons tout dans l’Union européenne pour maintenir l’Ukraine à flot. Mais nous ne faisons pas assez pour lui permettre de gagner la guerre. Alors la question est simple: quand allons-nous enfin saisir les 200 milliards d’avoirs publics russes gelés dans nos banques? Quand allons-nous donner à l’Ukraine les moyens financiers et militaires de gagner cette guerre, qui définit l’avenir de l’Europe?

Chers collègues, dans quinze jours, Donald Trump peut redevenir président des États-Unis, et l’Union européenne peut se retrouver seule, seule face à cette guerre, seule face à Poutine, seul soutien véritable de la résistance ukrainienne. Est-ce que nous sommes prêts à cela? Avons-nous réellement compris les enjeux?

Alors que la France rabote son aide militaire, que nos pays continuent à imposer des restrictions absurdes à l’utilisation des armes européennes par la résistance ukrainienne, et que l’on entend partout monter le chant de la capitulation – comme à l’extrême droite de cet hémicycle –, permettez-nous d’en douter. Il est temps de se réveiller.

  Aurelijus Veryga (ECR). – Gerbiamas Pirmininke, kolegos. 2022-aisiais metais Rusija pradėjo plataus masto karą prieš Ukrainą, tikėdamasi greitos pergalės. Tačiau Ukraina ir jos žmonės įrodė savo valią kovoti už savo valstybės laisvę, suverenitetą bei europietišką ateitį. Nesugebėjusi užkariauti Ukrainos, Rusija labai sistemingai siekė palaužti ją kitais būdais: atakuodama ligonines, mokyklas, strategiškai ir gyvybiškai svarbius energetinius objektus, keldama grėsmę atominės energetikos objektams. Už šios žalos atstatymą turi sumokėti pats agresorius. Rusija turi sumokėti už tai, ką ji padarė Ukrainoje. Ukraina negali veikti įprastai ir pati pasirūpinti reikiamomis pajamomis iš savo ekonomikos, nes ji turi skirti pakankamus išteklius gynybai nuo agresoriaus bei Rusijos nuolat griaunamos infrastruktūros atstatymui. Todėl finansinė parama su užpuoliku kovojančiai Ukrainai yra būtina, norint užtikrinti esmines valstybės funkcijas, makroekonominį stabilumą ir priartinti Ukrainą prie pergalės prieš Rusiją.

  Eugen Tomac (Renew). – Domnule președinte, Ucraina nu este ocupată astăzi, așa cum și-a propus Putin să o ocupe în câteva săptămâni, pentru că noi, Uniunea Europeană și Statele Unite, i-am spus „stop” lui Putin și am stat alături de Ucraina. Bătălia pentru Ucraina nu este doar pentru acest stat, ci este pentru viitorul Europei și este esențial să rămânem alături de această țară. Este esențial să înțelegem că Putin nu atacă doar cu rachete, atacă cu multă propagandă, cu multă dezinformare, pe care am auzit-o inclusiv astăzi, aici, în acest plen.

De aceea este esențial să susținem Ucraina și Republica Moldova, care a făcut față unei provocări fără precedent. În urmă cu două zile a avut loc un referendum prin care cetățenii Republicii Moldova, în majoritate, au spus „da” pentru integrarea europeană, deși Rusia a încercat să corupă sute de mii de cetățeni cu carduri bancare emise în Federația Rusă pentru a-i corupe. Trebuie să acordăm asistență financiară pentru a rezista în fața acestui război.

  Pekka Toveri (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, Russia is attacking not only the Ukrainian defence forces, it is also attacking the whole Ukrainian civil society, killing elderly women and children daily, not vice versa. And if the civil society crashes, the soldiers at the front won't fight too long either. And that's the fact.

This loan helps to keep Ukraine and civil society and civil administration working, and helps also Ukraine to fight for its freedom and also for the democracy and freedom for all of Europe. This is a good start, but not enough. We need to be ready to do more.

It is also appropriate that this is a loan, because a loan safeguards that the money paid will be used wisely and effectively. It's also appropriate that we use Russian frozen assets to support Ukraine against the Russian criminalities. Criminals are responsible for the damage they have caused in all of EU countries' legislations, so why would it be any different when we talk about Russia's criminal activities?

  Javier Moreno Sánchez (S&D). – Señor presidente, señor comisario, la semana pasada el Consejo Europeo reiteró el apoyo incondicional de la Unión Europea a Ucrania. Lo ha hecho con toda solemnidad, amplitud y contundencia. Pocas veces la Unión ha dedicado tanto esfuerzo a una causa, cueste lo que cueste, durante el tiempo que haga falta: ahora, en el esfuerzo de la guerra, y después, cuando la paz regrese, para la reconstrucción del país.

Ahora nos toca a nosotros debatir y votar la ayuda macrofinanciera. Este instrumento es, sobre todo, un compromiso político histórico para que Ucrania pueda disfrutar plenamente de su soberanía, recuperar su integridad territorial y vivir en paz y libertad: está en juego la democracia en Ucrania, pero también en toda Europa. Por eso, pido a todos los grupos que votemos a favor. A la ultraderecha, que se ha opuesto en el voto en comisión, le pido que diga claramente si está con Putin o con Ucrania. Señorías de la ultraderecha, están ustedes a tiempo de rectificar. Por la paz, por Ucrania y por Europa.

  Sebastian Tynkkynen (ECR). – Mr President, German Chancellor Scholz's pursuit-of-peace policy, and Hungary's blocking of different forms of support, are dangerous for Europe.

This now-discussed new cooperation mechanism is a highly crucial piece of support for Ukraine in its fight against totalitarianism.

I specifically want to address my colleagues on the Left who weren't on board with the effort to support Ukraine in September. Nobody sings the songs of peace when someone breaks into your home or home country. Nobody wants this war to continue. Everybody wants a long-lasting peace. But we also want Ukraine to restore the integrity of its sovereign territory.

The best way to ensure peace is to ensure that Ukraine has the proper means to fight off the aggressor. Once Putin realises the hopelessness of his effort, he will cease. But he only speaks in the language of force. Let's give Ukraine another victory tool, not the thoughts and prayers of a fool.

  Paulius Saudargas (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, we are talking about money here. I have a few questions for you. How much does a life cost? How much does one Ukrainian cost? Mother, father, daughter, son, sister, brother. Hundreds of thousands lost their lives in Ukraine. No billions can bring them back.

Second question: why does the war last so long? Because we have been debating for too long; about tanks and F-16s, about support and sanctions. We are too slow.

Third question: why do the sanctions fail to break the aggressor? Not only the third countries are to blame, but ourselves, because there are traitors and cheaters among us.

And the question of today: can we use Russian frozen assets to pay the needs of Ukraine? We have to do it. We owe it to Ukrainians. We are in big debt because it is not our sons and daughters dying out there, dying for us. This is the least we can do to make Russia pay. Slava Ukraini!

  Francisco Assis (S&D). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Caras e Caros Colegas, quero começar por saudar esta decisão, que vai no bom sentido: a atribuição de apoio à Ucrânia por via de um empréstimo que tem como garantia os fundos imobilizados russos. O agressor tem de assumir todas as suas responsabilidades pelos danos causados ao povo ucraniano.

Ouvindo este debate, fica muito claro. Aqueles que aqui estão ao lado de Putin não estão apenas ao lado da Rússia, estão contra os valores fundadores da União Europeia, porque, verdadeiramente, o que os aproxima de Putin é a rejeição do nosso modelo de sociedade e do nosso modelo de organização de um Estado de direito. O que rejeitam é uma sociedade livre. O que rejeitam é um Estado de direito democrático. O que rejeitam é uma sociedade que valoriza a cidadania individual e que valoriza uma cidadania democrática que está assente no princípio da igualdade.

E é por isso que há aqui uma divisão muito clara. Aqueles que vêm aqui falar em nome de Putin também estão a atacar claramente os princípios fundadores da Europa. E este debate é um debate que estabelece uma divisão muito clara nesta casa: entre aqueles que lutam e pugnam pela democracia e aqueles que verdadeiramente estão contra ela.

  Michał Szczerba (PPE). – Panie Przewodniczący! Wysoka Izbo! Od 970 dni Ukraina walczy nie tylko o własną wolność, o własną suwerenność, o integralność terytorialną, ale również o nasze bezpieczeństwo – bezpieczeństwo 27 krajów członkowskich. Dzisiaj Parlament Europejski decyduje o tym, czy przyjąć propozycję liderów G7. Absolutnie tak. Potrzeba wykorzystania tej makrofinansowej pomocy. Potrzeba również tego, żeby Ukraina mogła korzystać z tych środków, które zostały zamrożone.

Ale pojawia się następujące pytanie: czy jest to wystarczające? Według mnie nie tylko należy zamrozić, nie tylko przejąć, ale po prostu przekazać Ukrainie. Te środki muszą pracować. Nie jutro, nie pojutrze, ale dziś, po to, żeby Ukraina mogła zwyciężyć i wygrać tę wojnę.

Zbliża się zima, która będzie dla Ukrainy bardzo niebezpiecznym okresem ze względu na ataki na infrastrukturę krytyczną, energetyczną – Ukraina może zostać pozbawiona prądu. Ta pomoc jest potrzebna, jest czasowa. Dajmy zielone światło, ale pracujmy na bardziej odważnych decyzjach w przyszłości.

  Evin Incir (S&D). – Mr President, colleagues, in September I had the privilege of visiting Ukraine. There we witnessed the unwavering resolve and commitment of the Ukrainian people to defend their freedom, dignity and sovereignty. Their struggle is not only a national Ukrainian cause, it is our shared European cause. It is a cause of international law.

In discussions with Ukrainian officials, we talked about their urgent needs and the further direct support they need to win the war against Putin. That is why the Ukrainian facility is important, and not least – as my colleague Raphaël Glucksmann said – to make the aggressor pay.

Furthermore, it is crucial that the support also addresses the need of vulnerable groups in Ukrainian society. While Putin's dark forces unleash war and destruction, we must continue to stand firm for prosperity, democracy and victory of Ukraine.

And it is also sad to see over and over again that the far-right side of this Parliament manages to constantly stand on the wrong side of history over and over again.

  Inese Vaidere (PPE). – Priekšsēdētāj! Godātie kolēģi! Krievija ik dienas Ukrainā slepkavo, slepkavo arī sievietes, bērnus, iznīcina infrastruktūru. Kopš kara sākuma infrastruktūra iznīcināta 150 miljardu eiro vērtībā. Šis solis — solis, lai krievi maksātu par to, ko viņi ir izdarījuši, ir pareizs solis. Tam nav alternatīvas. Arī tam nav alternatīvas, ka mums visiem ir jāpalīdz un ka visām mūsu valstīm — demokrātiskajām valstīm — ir jābūt vienotām.

Mums ir jāiet arī tālāk. Krievijas iesaldētie aktīvi Rietumu bankās ir 210 miljardi. Tur klāt nāk arī vēl tomēr oligarhu iesaldētie līdzekļi, jahtas, nekustamie īpašumi, finanšu līdzekļi — tie ir nekavējoties jākonfiscē un jāizlieto Ukrainas atbalstam, kam ir vajadzīgi 400 miljardi eiro. Mēs nedrīkstam vilcināties. Ir jāatļauj Ukrainai uzbrukt militārajiem objektiem Krievijas teritorijā. Ir jāatrod līdzekļi, lai šis karš beigtos pēc iespējas ātrāk, lai karš beigtos ar Ukrainas uzvaru.

  Riho Terras (PPE). – Mr President, dear colleagues, Russia has waged this full-scale war against Ukraine for almost 1 000 days by now. Ukraine people are making sacrifices far bigger than we can imagine every day. It is in our hands to help Ukraine win this war. They need our military aid, as well as financial support, to reconstruct the infrastructure and keep the economy going, despite the ongoing war.

Using windfall profits from Russian assets to repay the loans is legitimate and just. Russia is the sole culprit and must be held accountable for these crimes. It is in the hands of this House to make sure that Ukraine gets the funds they need, and they get them fast. It is in our hands to make Putin's Russia pay for their crimes. Thank you very much. Slava Ukraini!

  Wouter Beke (PPE). – Voorzitter, commissaris, hoge vertegenwoordiger, collega’s, vorige week stond in de media dat de steun van Europa aan Oekraïne een kwestie is van veel woorden maar weinig daden. Veel blablabla, maar weinig boemboem. Vandaag bewijzen wij het tegendeel en dat is broodnodig.

Vorige week was de Oekraïense minister van Defensie op bezoek in dit Europees Parlement en hij sprak van te weinig leveringen van wapens, munitie en ook F16’s. Vandaag zetten we wél een belangrijke stap in de steun aan Oekraïne. Met de lening van 35 miljard nemen we het voortouw in onze gezamenlijke steun van de G7. België speelt een belangrijke rol, want het grootste deel van de Russische goederen zijn bevroren bij ons.

De Europese Unie trekt aan de kar en dat is logisch, maar ook noodzakelijk. Op die manier moeten we druk zetten op de hele G7. De levering van Noord-Koreaanse troepen aan Rusland toont aan dat dit niet alleen een regionaal conflict is, niet alleen een zaak is van Europa, maar van de hele wereld en ook van de hele wereldvrede. Daarom is deze steun zo noodzakelijk.

  Željana Zovko (PPE). – Mr President, Russia's aggression and war against Ukraine not only altered the geopolitical landscape, but also compelled us to act swiftly and decisively to support our brave Ukrainian partners. Two and a half years later, the European Union continues to show solidarity and strength against those who seek to undermine our democracies. The Ukrainian people are not only defending their own country, their dear friends; they are defending Europe.

Russia has invested 1 billion in propaganda and we can hear it here, all around where the elections were happening. They are investing money in propaganda and this money cannot be invested so much to extinguish the truth. The truth shall set you all free. Democracy cannot be killed. The Ukrainian people are fighting for us. We have to fight until the end to help them.

Many years ago, Croatia was fighting like this and we had propaganda against us, trying to stop us from telling the truth. Now we are here, we are standing here. We will stand until the end to help Ukrainians to fight for freedom.

  President. – Now we have the catch-the-eye procedure. I have 11 requests. We do not have time for everybody. That's why we use criteria. I will not give the floor here to those who were speaking either on the speakers' list or on a blue card. I apologise, but we have to take care about the time.

Brīvais mikrofons

  Hélder Sousa Silva (PPE). – Senhor Presidente, Senhor Comissário, Caros Colegas, o paradigma tem mesmo de mudar. Temos de ser claros que vamos apoiar a Ucrânia com o tempo e com os meios que forem necessários para que a Ucrânia ganhe mesmo esta guerra. Mas as palavras não param, claramente, os rockets russos que caem diariamente sobre a Ucrânia, nem reconstroem hospitais, nem escolas e muito menos as casas destruídas pelos mísseis de Putin.

Os ucranianos podem contar, através deste mecanismo, com o financiamento concreto de 35 mil milhões de EUR para a recuperação e reconstrução do seu país. Algumas forças deste Parlamento tentam minar o debate, como vimos. Mas, Caros Colegas, não nos deixemos enganar. O que estas forças anti‑Europa nunca mencionam é o tremendo impacto negativo que a vitória russa provocaria na nossa União. Quem se sentiria seguro com as tropas russas em Levive? Eu não. Para terminar, direi que a autonomia e independência estratégica da nossa União está dependente da vitória ucraniana e por isso...

(o Presidente retira a palavra ao orador)

  Jean-Marc Germain (S&D). – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, aujourd’hui, avec nos frères ukrainiens, l’Europe montre ce qu’elle a de meilleur. Elle est au rendez-vous. Elle est au rendez-vous depuis le début pour défendre le droit le plus essentiel: le droit des peuples à choisir leur destin. Et son destin, l’Ukraine l’a choisi: c’est l’Europe. Et l’Europe a dit oui en ouvrant sans délai la perspective d’adhésion.

L’Europe est au rendez-vous encore avec cette nouvelle facilité pour l’Ukraine de 35 milliards d’euros, financée par les revenus des avoirs russes gelés. La Russie devra payer les dommages de la guerre dont elle est responsable, et cela commence dès aujourd’hui avec cette aide macrofinancière, à laquelle je suis fier d’avoir contribué en tant que rapporteur fictif S&D de la commission des budgets.

L’Europe devra aussi être au rendez-vous pour que cette guerre prenne fin. Arrêter la guerre, c’est montrer à Poutine qu’il ne la gagnera jamais. C’est l’intensification des sanctions, c’est la levée des restrictions sur les frappes préventives, c’est une perspective d’adhésion à l’OTAN, c’est la convocation d’une conférence de prêt, c’est le plan de paix proposé par Volodymyr Zelensky, que je propose de soutenir.

  Dainius Žalimas (Renew). – Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, Russia's criminal aggression against Ukraine is the grossest possible breach of international law. Such an extraordinary situation undoubtedly requires extraordinary measures and solutions. Therefore, I welcome and support today's Commission proposal to employ the profits from immobilised Russian assets.

However, in my opinion, this is not yet the most comprehensive and the most effective solution to the problem. In my opinion, the Commission should also initiate, without undue delay, more courageous decisions on the secure confiscation of frozen assets of Russia, as well as very effective use in strengthening Ukraine's defence and ensuring Ukraine's post-war reconstruction.

I am convinced that under international law, this can be done at the expense of Russian reparations. By the way, the Commission's proposed regulation clearly states that Russian state funds must remain frozen until Russia ends its aggressive war and compensates Ukraine ...

(The President cut off the speaker)

  Siegbert Frank Droese (ESN). – Herr Präsident! Wenn man hier einigen Rednern zuhört, frage ich mich, ehrlich gesagt: Was wird denn auf Ihre Konten vom ukrainischen Regime überwiesen? Das ist grauenhaft, da kriege ich Ohrenschmerzen davon.

Wer hören will und sehen will, der konnte vor Jahren schon sehen, dass die Kommission zur Ukraine Papiere verfasste, wo die Ukraine als korruptes Land, als das korrupteste Land in Europa dargestellt wurde. Es hat sich eigentlich in der Frage nicht viel geändert, außer dass heute noch die Ukraine der Bandera-Ideologie huldigt.

Der Westen hat die Ukraine in diesen Krieg getrieben, den kann sie nicht gewinnen. Die Ukraine ist ein Fass ohne Boden in finanzieller Hinsicht. Wir könnten eigentlich vorne mit dem ganzen Geld einen großen Haufen machen und den anzünden. Dann könnten wir wenigstens uns noch an dem Feuer wärmen, aber das Geld bekämen nicht die korrupten ukrainischen Oligarchen, die letzten Endes das faschistische Regime der Ukraine stützen.

Keinen Pfennig Steuergeld für diesen Staat der Ukraine, solange in Deutschland die Brücken zusammenfallen, Schulen in unmöglichem Zustand sind, die Rentner Flaschen sammeln gehen!

(Der Präsident entzieht dem Redner das Wort.)

  Grzegorz Braun (NI). – Mr President, what is this? A bank robbery? I don't want to take part in such activities. You're discussing here the money that is simply not yours. And it's wrong! It's deeply wrong, for many reasons.

One reason was just mentioned by the honourable colleague. The Kyiv regime is probably one of the most corrupt and deadly to its own people of the regimes in the history of Europe.

The other reason is when you open this door, this gate, and you let yourself indulge yourself – taking somebody else's money in this particular moment – then what happens next? I don't want to take part in organised crime.

  Matej Tonin (PPE). – Gospod predsednik! Zmaga Ukrajine se mi zdi ključna zaradi sporočilnosti, da meja v Evropi v enaindvajsetem stoletju ni mogoče spreminjati na nasilen način. Seveda pa se bo ta vojna enkrat končala in ko se bo končala, nas bo čakalo dolgo in dolgotrajno delo pri obnovi Ukrajine. In na tej točki se mi zdi seveda pomembno in smiselno, da agresor plača za svoja dejanja.

Zato podpiram vse mehanizme, ki uporabljajo dobičke milijard agresorja zato, da pomagamo Ukrajino obnoviti in jo ponovno postaviti na njene noge. Za uspešen prihodnji razvoj Ukrajine pa se mi zdi ključno, da jo vključimo v Evropsko unijo in ji omogočimo dostop do vseh finančnih sredstev, ki jih Evropska unija podpira zato, da bo Evropa celostna in Ukrajina del Evropske unije.

  Lukas Sieper (NI). – Herr Präsident, liebe Mitmenschen! In dieser Debatte über die finanzielle Unterstützung der Ukraine unter Verwendung eingefrorener russischer Vermögenswerte sprechen viele Abgeordnete über Frieden. Frieden, während Putins Regime Schulen, Krankenhäuser und zivile Infrastruktur gnadenlos bombardiert. Frieden, während die russische Armee mehr und mehr ukrainische Soldaten, die kapitulieren, auf der Stelle exekutiert. Frieden, während das ukrainische Volk ungebrochen in seinem Willen zur Verteidigung seines vollständigen Heimatlandes ist. Frieden, während unsere Bevölkerung mehrheitlich – und das wird manchen nicht gefallen zu hören –, aber mehrheitlich eine Unterstützung der Ukraine bis zum Sieg wünscht.

Kennen Sie, werte Abgeordnete, eigentlich Putins Bedingungen für die Aufnahme von Friedensverhandlungen? Die hat er erst vor kurzem in einer Pressekonferenz offiziell verkündet: die vollständige Kapitulation des ukrainischen Militärs. Sie können sich vorstellen, wie diese Friedensverhandlungen aussehen würden. Slawa Ukrajini!

(Brīvā mikrofona uzstāšanos beigas.)

  Didier Reynders, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, I just want to say that it's important to thank you so much for reiterating your firm and unequivocal support for Ukraine, and for confirming it through this legislative initiative, adopted in a short period of time, as a number of Members of the European Parliament mentioned.

I'm impressed by the large support for this proposal, but the lack of unanimity proved the importance of fighting for values in the European Union too, and of fighting for democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Because that is what we are doing here, with such a proposal, in Ukraine: defending our values, defending democracy, the rule of law and human rights. And I'm sure that there's a lot of things to do in different parts of Europe on the same level.

Last week, President Zelenskyy's request for further support this winter was warmly welcomed by European leaders and taken up in the Council conclusions that there is no time to lose. The coming months will be decisive. Your approval of the proposals is essential to honour the commitments of the EU and its Member States. With the Ukraine Loan Cooperation Mechanism, we not only reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine for as long as it takes, but we also take an important step towards ensuring accountability (including financial accountability) for vicious aggression. It's very important that Russia itself pays for the aggression and the damage caused by the aggression. And this will continue to be done in close cooperation and coordination with all G7 and other international partners.

So thank you again for your very fast reaction to such a proposal and the way we will continue to support Ukraine in the coming months and maybe years.

IN THE CHAIR: CHRISTEL SCHALDEMOSE
Vice-President

  Karin Karlsbro, rapporteur. – Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, thank you for this important debate. Listening to you and my colleagues in this Chamber, I am proud that the support for Ukraine remains so strong also after the European elections.

I want the vote later today to be the first of many votes we take in this mandate to support Ukraine, because our support will remain firm until Ukraine's victory, until the last Russian soldiers have left Ukrainian territory.

But I hear dangerous arguments from the extreme right willing to surrender to our enemy in the name of peace. But let me be clear. There will be no peace in Europe as long as Putin attacks Ukraine, as long as Putin occupies Ukraine, as long as Putin still tries to steal a country and steal its future. There will be no peace in such a situation. Instead of being worried about the legal base of this proposal, you should save your worries for Putin's next step.

Since the first day of Putin's war, it has been clear one day Russia will have to pay. One day Russia must pay for its destruction of the Ukrainian society and the rebuilding of a future Ukraine, a Ukraine in the European family. Already today, we, the European Parliament, can make this happen. We can make Russia pay.

  President. – The debate is closed.

The vote will take place today.

Written Statements (Rule 178)

  Vilija Blinkevičiūtė (S&D), raštu. – Netrukus bus treji metai kai Rusija užpuolė Ukrainą su vieninteliu tikslu - atimti Ukrainos žmonių laisvę, jų šalį bei teisę nuspręsti savo šalies ateitį. Nuo pat pirmos invazijos dienos Europos Sąjunga išlaikė solidarumo testą teikdama karinę, finansinę ir humanitarinę paramą Ukrainai ir jos žmonėms. Matome, kad agresorius trauktis neketina, todėl mūsų parama Ukrainai ne tik privalo išlikti, bet privalo būti padidinta, kad Ukraina galėtų ir toliau apsiginti. Pagrindinis mūsų visų rūpestis privalo būti Ukrainos pergalė bei visokeriopa parama jai pasiekti, nes pralaimėjimo atveju viską praras ne tik Ukraina - praras visa Europa ir įžengsime į didelės grėsmės zoną. Labai sveikinu ES lyderystę telkiant paramą Ukrainai globaliu mastu ir įtikinant tarptautinius partnerius dėl būtinybės skubiai rasti finansavimo būdus ir padidinti paramą Ukrainai. Rusija privalo sumokėti už šio karo pasekmes, todėl labai džiaugiuosi ES ryžtu panaudoti iš įšaldyto Rusijos turto gautas pajamas ir jas skirti neatidėliotiniems Ukrainos finansiniams poreikiams. Už sunaikintą šalį, už prarastus gyvenimus turi mokėti ne Ukrainos žmonės ir ne ES piliečiai - tai privalo padaryti Rusija ir šį kartą mes ją praversime tai padaryti.

  Maria Grapini (S&D), în scris. – Pacea este importantă nu pentru că nu ar trebui să cheltuim bani pentru reconstrucție, ci pentru că trebuie să nu mai moară oameni. Mecanismul de cooperare cu Ucraina pentru împrumut prevede lucruri clare care trebuie respectate de Ucraina și verificate de către Comisia Europeană. Fondurile împrumutate trebuie folosite eficace. Se prevede corect rambursarea anticipată atunci când se constată fraude și acte de corupție în Ucraina. Banii împrumutați sunt pentru cetățenii ucraineni, pentru a le ușura viața, nu pentru oligarhi.

Apoi, Comisia Europeană trebuie să verifice să nu se suprapună finanțări complementare. Domnule comisar, ar trebui, până când se va reuși pacea, pentru care trebuie să se folosească toate instituțiile mondiale, diplomatice, să instituiți un mecanism de verificare pentru ca fondurile să fie folosite pentru scopul social și economic.

  Ľubica Karvašová (Renew), in writing. – When Russia destroys Ukraine, it has to pay for the destruction. This new financial instrument says that loud and clear. The €35 billion loan to support Ukraine is a lifeline for a nation devastated by Russia’s brutal war. This loan will provide urgent relief, directly addressing the country’s most pressing needs. In an unprecedented approach, the loan draws from profits on frozen Russian assets—a mechanism that enforces the principle of accountability, ensuring that those who inflicted the devastation contribute to rebuilding what they destroyed. With the backing and active contribution of the G7 partners, this instrument not only supports Ukraine’s immediate resilience but also strengthens its pathway toward sustainable, long-term recovery and the construction of a more robust economy. For the European Union, this initiative reaffirms its commitment to Ukraine’s journey toward stability, democracy, and a stable place within the EU family. Ukraine will rise stronger, and those who sought to destroy it will pay the price.

  Bogdan Rzońca (ECR), na piśmie. – Zgodnie ze zobowiązaniami podjętymi podczas szczytu G7 i posiedzenia Rady Europejskiej, uważam, że utworzenie Mechanizmu współpracy pożyczkowej dla Ukrainy jest istotnym krokiem, by zapewnić dodatkowe wsparcie finansowe Ukrainie w obliczu skutków rosyjskiej agresji. Mechanizm ten zakłada udzielenie Ukrainie pożyczek o wartości do 45 miliardów euro, w tym nadzwyczajnej pomocy makrofinansowej w kwocie do 35 miliardów euro. Kluczowym elementem tego rozwiązania jest finansowanie spłaty pożyczek z przyszłych dochodów pochodzących z zamrożonych rosyjskich aktywów. Dzięki temu środki te będą trafiać bezpośrednio do pożyczkodawców, co zapewni stabilny i przewidywalny przepływ finansowy na ich spłatę, jednocześnie ograniczając obciążenia dla Ukrainy. Postrzegam ten mechanizm jako przykład efektywnej współpracy międzynarodowej, szczególnie że wysokość unijnej pomocy zależy od wkładu finansowego innych członków G7. Rada już zaakceptowała tę propozycję, jeśli Parlament również ją przyjmie bez zmian, przepisy szybko wejdą w życie, umożliwiając przekazanie pierwszej transzy wsparcia. Uważam, że warto poprzeć mechanizm, który jest wyrazem naszej odpowiedzialności wobec Ukrainy i dowodem na siłę europejskiej solidarności.