President. – The next item on the agenda is the debate on the 11th year of the occupation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol by the Russian Federation and the deteriorating human rights situation in occupied Crimea, notably the cases of Iryna Danylovych, Tofik Abdulhaziiev and Amet Suleymanov (2024/2992(RSP)).

  Michael Gahler, author. – Mr President, once upon a time there was an Autonomous Republic of Crimea in Ukraine. In 1991, during the independence referendum, also a majority of inhabitants of Crimea voted in favour of Ukrainian independence. Crimean Tatars could feel at home as much as Ukrainian and Russian speakers. Russian was an official language in Crimea. The Crimean Tatars had their majlis, their legal representation.

This changed all dramatically with the illegal occupation and subsequent annexation by Russia of the Crimean Peninsula. Ever since, the rule of law, basic human rights, international conventions, and also the legitimate representation of the Crimean Tatars has been disregarded.

For the Tatars, the situation seems more and more, and resembles more and more, the situation that they had after, first, German occupation of Crimea and, then, retaking by Stalin and the deportation that happened thereafter from Crimea.

This situation is unbearable, but what is more important is to shed a light also on the fate of individuals who are persecuted because they demand their legitimate rights.

We have picked three persons in the title of this urgency, namely Iryna Danylovych, Tofik Abdulhaziiev and Amet Suleymanov, and we have added another 13 persons who, because of their political activities, because they belong to this minority, they are persecuted.

It is important that their names are on record, so that the aggressor and the oppressor knows that we know about them, and we demand the immediate and unconditional release, and condemn the Russian action that is ongoing within the big war against Ukraine, starting in 2014, in Crimea.

  Raphaël Glucksmann, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, chers collègues, la Crimée est le laboratoire de l’expansion coloniale russe. Ceux qui osent prétendre qu’elle a toujours été une terre russe ne font que servilement répéter la propagande d’un régime impérialiste, dont la spécialité est la réécriture de l’histoire. Et s’il y a un peuple qui est systématiquement effacé par cette réécriture, c’est bien le peuple tatar, peuple autochtone opprimé par les tsars, massivement frappé par les déportations staliniennes, persécuté par Poutine. Les Tatars de Crimée ont été victimes d’une politique coloniale puis néocoloniale chimiquement pure. Et il serait bon que tous les nationalistes qui se disent si soucieux du droit des peuples à vivre chez eux et que tous les anti-impérialistes qui sympathisent avec Poutine par haine de l’Occident entendent ce que les Tatars de Crimée ont à dire sur l’impérialisme, le colonialisme, la destruction méthodique d’une culture ou d’une nation. Décimés hier, ils subissent aujourd’hui, avec les Ukrainiens de Crimée, la répression féroce de l’occupant, doublée d’une politique de russification systématique du territoire – 800 000 Russes ont déjà été installés par les autorités sur le sol de Crimée, pour une population de 2 millions d’habitants.

Nous exigeons que les responsables de l’effacement d’un peuple soient sanctionnés. Nous exigeons que soient reconnus les droits et les souffrances des Tatars ainsi que de tous les peuples déportés par les impérialistes soviétiques ou niés par leurs héritiers grand-russes, que ce soient les Tchétchènes, les Ingouches, comme tant d’autres encore. La paix ne saurait passer par la négation des droits du peuple tatar ou des Ukrainiens de Crimée. L’Europe se tient à leurs côtés, aux côtés des principes qui fondent son existence, et nous ne céderons rien – rien! – à la puissance impérialiste qui menace l’existence de peuples entiers tout en s’attaquant à l’architecture de sécurité de notre continent.

  Arkadiusz Mularczyk, autor. – Panie Przewodniczący! Szanowni Państwo! Musimy jednak pamiętać, że Krym to nie był początek, ale kolejny akt agresji. Czy pamiętacie Państwo najazd na Czeczenię w latach 90? Dziesiątki tysięcy ofiar, kobiet i dzieci. Czy pamiętacie Państwo Gruzję w 2009 roku? Zbrojny atak. Tysiące rannych i zabitych. Rosja nigdy się nie zmieniła. Zawsze stosuje tę samą metodę polityki – podboje imperialne. Pozostaje spadkobiercą Związku Radzieckiego. Pochodzę z Polski, z kraju, który bardzo dobrze zna te metody. I nawet gdyby przyjąć, że dopiero po aneksji Krymu maski opadły, bo imperialistyczne ambicje Rosji nie były jasne dla wszystkich od początku, to dlaczego Niemcy dobijały w tym czasie targów z Putinem? Dlaczego budowały Nord Stream, mówiąc, że jest to projekt biznesowy?

Niestety także wielu parlamentarzystów z tej Izby popierało tę politykę rządu Niemiec. Przecież to było także po ataku na Krym. Czy zyski były ważniejsze niż bezpieczeństwo Europy, świata i prawa człowieka? Odpowiedzcie sobie Państwo sami na to pytanie.

  Bernard Guetta, auteur. – Monsieur le Président, «Mais elle est russe!», protestent les amis de Vladimir Poutine. Eh bien non, la Crimée est avant tout tatare et fut bien des choses avant que la Russie ne l'eût conquise. «Mais justement, elle était devenue russe», s'écrient alors les mêmes, en oubliant qu'elle était devenue ukrainienne après avoir été russe. «Mais ce n'était qu'un jeu d'écriture, une modification des frontières internes de l'URSS!», s'écrient-ils alors. Eh bien non, cette modification avait un très grand sens, car lorsque Khrouchtchev cède la Crimée à l'Ukraine, c'est une indemnité qu'il lui paye, une indemnité de guerre qu'imposait l'Holodomor. La Russie ne peut se dédire de ce dû et, quoiqu'il en soit, c'est Crimée comprise que l'Ukraine avait recouvré son indépendance dans des frontières internationalement reconnues. L'histoire est une chose complexe, discutable et éternellement discutée. Le droit international en est une autre, claire, nette et indiscutable.

  Nicolae Ştefănuță, author. – Mr President, imagine that as a young child you are kidnapped from your home to a faraway land. Only half your friends and family survive the trip. 50 years later, you return – only to once again be forced out of your home, this time with your own grandchildren.

This is exactly what is happening to thousands of Crimean Tatars, because the easiest way to destroy a culture is to make them doubt their own existence by removing their leaders, their thinkers, their artists.

What we see in Crimea is also the template for the kind of repression, ethnic cleansing and historical erasure that Putin wants to impose on all of Ukraine.

Europe failed to act when Crimea was annexed. This is where it all began, and it is also where it must end. So who is the most effective advocate of the Crimean Tatars' right to their historical homeland? It is the Ukrainian army empowered to win. Slava Ukraini!

  Davor Ivo Stier, u ime kluba PPE. – Poštovani predsjedavajući, Ruska Federacija konstantno krši međunarodno pravo zadiranjem u teritorijalnu cjelovitost, neovisnost i suverenitet Ukrajine okupacijom Autonomne Republike Krima i grada Sevastopolja još od 2014. godine. Nažalost, narod s područja Krima svakodnevno se susreće s ozbiljnim kršenjem ljudskih prava, nezakonitim regrutiranjem u rusku vojsku, prisilnim izdvajanjem putovnice, neopravdanim uhićenjima, nestancima udruživanja, zabranom vjerskih događanja i dolazi do prisilne promjene demografskog sastava cijelog poluotoka. Ruska Federacija sustavno provodi politiku usmjerenu na nasilnu promjenu demografskog sastava Krima, prvenstveno po etničkim linijama, što prema međunarodnom pravu predstavlja ratni zločin.

Svakako treba spomenuti zabrinjavajući podatak da Rusija ima više od 218 krimskih političkih zatvorenika, od kojih 67 ima ozbiljne zdravstvene probleme te je ključno da im se hitno pruži adekvatna liječnička pomoć. Samo neki od zabrinjavajućih primjera su slučaj Irine Danilovič, krimske novinarke i braniteljice ljudskih prava, koja je oteta 2022. godine. Zatim novinar Amet Sulejmanov i Tofik Abdulgazijev, aktivist nevladine organizacije, koji su također osuđeni i pritvoreni od strane režima. Europski parlament mora zahtijevati trenutačno i bezuvjetno oslobađanje svih političkih zatvorenika te zahtijevati odgovornost onih koji su odgovorni za nehumane uvjete zatočenika.

Međunarodna zajednica i dalje ne smije priznavati pokušaj aneksije Krima i mora zahtijevati istragu svih slučajeva kršenja ljudskih prava na okupiranim područjima Ukrajine od 2014. godine. Drago mi je da je u tom pogledu Zagreb bio domaćin Prvog parlamentarnog samita Međunarodne krimske platforme još u listopadu '22. godine. I stoga moramo podržati i ovu rezoluciju kako ne bismo zaboravili da je Krim okupiran i to nikako ne smijemo priznati.

  Petras Auštrevičius, on behalf of the Renew Group. – Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, Russia's occupation and violation of Ukraine's sovereignty have sunk the Crimean Peninsula into a decade of darkness and oppression.

The fierce persecution of Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians, civil society activists and journalists is being carried out in the style of the Soviet NKVD. The cases of the imprisonment of the human rights defender and civil journalist Iryna Danylovych, for seven years, and the imprisonment of the Crimean Tatar activist Tofik Abdulhaziiev and Amet Suleymanov, for 12 years, each show the true face of the Russian occupiers.

This is the real Putin, to whom Viktor Orbán still keeps calling.

I urge the European Union to further increase the pressure on Moscow by including all 7 000 and more on the list of Navalny's Anti-Corruption Foundation to those responsible for the Russian aggression against Ukraine.

I call for joint action to help the detained and imprisoned Crimean activists to regain their freedom and their homeland as soon as possible.

  Petras Gražulis, ESN frakcijos vardu. – Gerbiamas pirmininke. Sveiki, man atrodo, kad mes tuščiai, kaip ir daugelis, leidžiame laiką. Kam šita tuščia rezoliucija? Kas nežinote, kad Krymas ir Ukraina yra okupuoti? Ar dėl to, kad mes čia priimsime kažkokią rezoliuciją, ar surengsime diskusijas, tai mažiau persekios Kryme žmones Putino režimas? Tikrai ne! Aš jūsų prašau – jau antrą kartą iš šitos tribūnos – išgirskite Ukrainos prezidentą Zelenskį. Ne rezoliucijomis, o realiais darbais jūs suteikite jam finansavimą – tokį, kokio jis prašo. Jūs suteikite ginklus – tokius, kokių jis prašo. Jūs leiskite tais ginklais gintis. O jūs priimate tuščias beprasmes rezoliucijas. Kam to reikia? Valdantieji, jūs vieną kartą susimąstykite! Laukiat Amerikos – ką Trampas pasakys? Jūs patys negalite apsiginti ir suteikti tinkamos paramos?

  Alice Teodorescu Måwe (PPE). – Herr talman! Om bara två månader har Rysslands fullskaliga invasion av Ukraina pågått i tre år. Men kriget inleddes redan 2014 när Ryssland olovligen annekterade Krim. Under detta decennium har Ryssland systematiskt kränkt oppositionellas mänskliga rättigheter och tvångsförflyttat tusentals ukrainska barn till så kallade omskolnings- och adoptionsanläggningar. I en rapport från i fjol identifierades minst 43 platser som arbetade med så kallad politisk omskolning av ukrainska barn.

Om man adderar avrättningarna, våldtäkterna och de skoningslösa bombningarna av civila mål, framträder bilden av en fiende som inte skyr några medel i kampen mot den rådande regelbaserade världsordningen. Många i väst relativiserade såväl invasionen av Georgien 2008 som annekteringen av Krim 2014. Och ytterligare några anser att väst till varje pris ska undvika eskalering av rädsla för Putins respons.

Jag tror precis tvärtom. För om omvärlden, inklusive EU, hade agerat resolut gentemot Ryssland redan 2008, eller för den delen 2014, när Ryssland i strid med internationell rätt agerade i syfte att expandera sitt territorium, hade den fullskaliga invasionen 2022 kunnat förhindras. Vi svek georgierna och ukrainarna då och det misstaget får inte upprepas åter.

Ryssland måste omedelbart och ovillkorligt kapitulera, återlämna ockuperad mark, frige alla barn och politiska fångar, och kompensera offren. Dessa krav behöver vi vara beredda att backa upp i handling. Att Putin, som inte förstår annat än råstyrka, fortsätter kriga beror på att vårt svar hittills inte varit tillräckligt avskräckande. Konsekvenserna av vår tafatthet lär vi bli varse inom ytterligare tio år.

  Helmut Brandstätter (Renew). – Mr President, dear colleagues, you are very right: we have to do something and not only talk about it. But first of all we have to explain it also to our voters, to the people in Europe, what is happening in Crimea. It didn't start in 2022 – no, it was more than eight years before. Then, many European companies, also Austrian companies, continued to have business with Putin, which is a problem. We have to talk now about it. We have to tell it because they said Russian gas does not stink but yes, it does stink – it stinks like gunpowder!

But we also have to explain to the public in Europe what happened in Crimea. It's not ethnic cleansing – I don't like this word – actually, they just tried to harass all the Tatars, to harass the Ukrainians, and some of them really had to watch out that they were not killed.

It's very difficult for politicians to understand, but we have to say it again: it doesn't make sense to appease Putin. He only respects us when we do things, when we tell him 'we are not afraid of you', when we fight. Also, again, I want to say: free all political prisoners!

  Petar Volgin (ESN). – Г-н Председател, само неспасяем исторически невежа може да твърди, че Крим принадлежи на Украйна. Крим винаги е бил руски от времето, когато императрица Екатерина Велика го включва в границите на Руската империя през 1783 г., та до днес. Дори и в годините, когато Никита Хрушчов подари Крим на Украинската ССР, повечето от хората там се чувстваха руснаци. И съвсем естествено, след преврата в Киев през 2014 г. мнозинството от жителите на Крим гласува за връщането му в състава на Русия.

А Крим е неразривно свързан не само с руската политика, но и с руската култура. През 19-ти и 20-ти век именно там са живели и работили някои от най-големите руски творци. Ще спомена само Антон Чехов, Марина Цветаева, Лев Толстой, Анна Ахматова, Иван Айвазовски. Гениалният Александър Пушкин има прекрасни стихове, посветени на красотите на Крим, а днес режимът в Киев събаря неговите паметници.

Претенциите на Киев към Крим са също толкова абсурдни, колкото и твърденията, че руската армия воювала с помощта на чипове от хладилници. Крим е неразривна част от политическата и културната история на Русия и винаги ще си остане такъв.

  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE). – Pane předsedající, dámy a pánové, dovolte mi na začátku reagovat na pana Volgina, který tady měl projev jak vystřižený z ruského žurnálu. Opravdu si myslíte, pane Volgine, že ve 21. století někdo bude věřit lžím, které šíří ruská propaganda? I malé dítě se může podívat do vyhledávače a může se podívat, co to byly Budapešťské dohody. Co to bylo za dohodu o integritě Ukrajiny, když odevzdá jaderné zbraně Rusku. A kdo ji garantoval? Spojené státy, Velká Británie a další země. A bohužel situace dnes je taková, jaká je. Ano, spousta zemí vlastnila jiné země, ale dnes žijeme ve 21. století. Žijeme v respektu k dějinám a k tomu, k čemu jsme se zavázali skrze spoustu dohod. A já opravdu odmítám zde poslouchat lži o tom, kdo, co, jak na Ukrajině dělal. Odmítám, aby někdo označoval demokratickou vládu na Ukrajině jako nějaký režim. Já si myslím, že si opravdu pletete sněmovnu. Takovéto řeči si můžete vypravovat v ruské Státní dumě, ale ne v Evropském parlamentu. V Evropském parlamentu jsme udělali toto usnesení, protože chceme upozornit na případ krymských Tatarů. Chceme ukázat, že tito lidé jsou zavíráni a mučeni, že tito lidé opravdu bojují za svou svobodu a demokracii. A je absolutně nesmyslné překrucovat jakýmkoliv způsobem dějinné události. A je absolutně nesmyslné nemluvit o těchto lidech jako obětech šikany, obětech despotismu a obětech, které bojují za svoje myšlenky, za svobodu a demokracii.

(Řečník souhlasil s tím, že odpoví na vystoupení na základě zvednutí modré karty)

  Petar Volgin (ESN), въпрос по процедурата „синя карта“. – Да наричаш истината "руска пропаганда" е доста изтъркано клише, което често съм слушал в Европейския парламент. Имам един съвет към Вас – следващия път, когато се изказвате, мислете със собствената си глава, а не с интелектуалните полуфабрикати, които Ви спускат началниците от Брюксел или от Вашингтон. Да, така е по-лесно, по-трудно е да мислите със собствената си глава, но поне веднъж опитайте да бъдете независим.

  Tomáš Zdechovský (PPE), blue-card answer. – Dear Mr Volgin, I come originally from an aristocratic family. We have a very clear memory of all times, and especially we have an allergy of Communist times – that everything was changed. My father doesn't want to study. We were really under pressure from the Communist regime.

Look at the members of my family – by Nazis they were killed; by Communists, they were put into prison. Of course, the Russians said what the truth was from our history and what it was then.

Now it's repeating the same propaganda and saying who is the aggressor and who is not. I fear it, really, I fear it very bad, if I hear in the European Parliament that Ukraine and someone from the Ukraine is part of their regime. I absolutely disagree.

Catch-the-eye procedure

  Dainius Žalimas (Renew). – Mr President, dear colleagues, as we discuss today the occupation of Crimea, I want to draw your attention to one specific aspect of the aggression against Ukraine. This is the involvement of the Russian judiciary in the crime of aggression, which is the gravest possible discrediting of justice.

The judges of Russia's so-called Constitutional Court authorised the annexation of five Ukrainian territories. The first ruling was namely on Crimea in 2014, and encouraged further aggression and human rights violations. The Chairman of Russia's so-called Constitutional Court, Valery Zorkin, openly justified this decision by the alleged threat of neo-Nazism in Ukraine and Islamic radicalism of the Crimean Tatar people.

The so-called Constitutional Court was followed by the entire judiciary machine in Russia, in persecution and massive repression of the Crimean Tatars and other Ukrainian people. Accountability of the so-called Russian judges has to be also among our guiding principles. First and foremost, the judges of the so-called Constitutional Court must be put in the dock for the crime of aggression, together with the political and military leadership of the Russian Federation.

  Alexander Jungbluth (ESN). – Herr Präsident! Sehr geehrte Kollegen, es gibt einen Moment, den ich gerade erschreckend fand. Und zwar hat ein Kollege hier gesagt, die Ukraine müsse in die Lage versetzt werden, diesen Krieg militärisch zu siegen, und dafür gab es in diesem Haus tosenden Applaus.

Ich finde das wirklich erschreckend, wie ehrlich Sie sich hier machen. Sagen Sie doch, dass Sie den Krieg wollen! Sie wollen keine Friedensverhandlungen, Sie wollen einen militärischen Sieg! Sie wollen Krieg bis zum Letzten! Sie sitzen hier in Ihren feinen Anzügen, legen sich heute ins Bett und Ihnen ist es total egal, dass russische Soldaten sterben. Ihnen ist es egal, dass ukrainische Soldaten sterben müssen. Das interessiert Sie alles nicht.

Sie wollen den Krieg, Sie wollen keinen Frieden – danke, dass Sie so ehrlich sind!

(End of catch-the-eye procedure)

  Jessika Roswall, Member of the Commission. – Mr President, honourable Members of the European Parliament, this is the 11th year of Russia's illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol. A brutal occupation that led to the isolation and oppression of Crimeans and turned the peninsula into a military base that served Russia's illegal aggression in February 2022. The EU will never recognise this annexation in violation with international law. Our position is based on a simple principle inscribed in the UN Charter; the territory of a state cannot be acquired by another state through force.

Our policy of non-recognition includes a broad range of measures including diplomatic pressure, sanctions and restrictions since 2014, and non-recognition of any Russian passports issued in Crimea. We will continue reinforcing these measures. Ukrainian citizens in Crimea, including indigenous groups such as the Crimean Tatars, are deprived of the possibility to live freely in their land. We are in touch with civil society and human rights advocates to monitor the situation of Crimeans and hold regular human rights dialogues on Crimea and other occupied territories to discuss human rights violations and developments.

What we observe is unacceptable – the occupier is forcing a Russification of Crimean people through schools, public life, suppression of Ukrainian cultural identity and media censorship. Russia imposed its law, citizenships and institutions while suppressing dissidents. Those opposing Russian rules, journalists and civil activists, community members, religious figures and regular citizens suffer human rights violations. Many, such as Iryna Danylovych, Tofik Abdulhaziiev and Amet Suleymanov, are detained under false accusations without access to a fair trial or urgent medical care. They are sentenced to years of imprisonment and often deported to Russia.

We are aware of 218 political prisoners from Crimea alone. Many others are abducted, detained for years and tortured. We call for all political prisoners, and notably those in critical health conditions, to be immediately released. President, honourable Members, we thank the Parliament for organising this debate and denouncing the human rights situation in the occupied territories. Our joint message to all Crimeans is clear: the EU is with you.

  President. – Thank you very much, Madam Commissioner. The debate is closed.